Hammurabi journal for studies

The story of the Arab Spring began when the Tunisian young man, Mohamed Bouazizi, set fire to his body, on the morning of Friday, December 17, 2010, when he condoled himself after a slap he received from the policewoman Fadia Hamdy, in the midst of a popular crowd in the city of Sidi Bou Zaid, for objecting her preventing and her confiscating the only livelihood for him and the nine mouths of his family.

There is no doubt that a new phase in Arab history has begun, a revolutionary phase that toppled regimes and put others on the way to falling, and there is no doubt that it will continue until it bears fruit in all parts of the region. By virtue of the nature of things, the impact of the Arab Spring must extend to the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council, as they are part of the Arab region that witnessed the wave of popular revolutions, especially since these revolutions took place in a successive manner, or successive way and this succession was represented in the beginning of the Tunisian revolution on December 17th. 2010, then the Egyptian revolution on January 25, 2011, then the Yemeni revolution on February 14, 2011, then the Libyan revolution on February 17, 2011, and then the Syrian revolution on March 15, 2011.

The relationship between the Muslim Brotherhood, Wahhabism and Salafism (as two ideological Islamist currents) and with the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (the country that incubated Wahhabism and Salafism mainly) goes back to the beginnings of the founding of the Muslim Brotherhood movement in Egypt. As Imam Hassan al-Banna narrates in his memoirs about the Brotherhood’s early links with Salafism and Saudi Arabia, and says: Just as I used to relieve myself by frequenting the Salafi library ... where we meet the strong, distinguished scholar, and powerful Islamic journalist, Mr. Moheb Al-Din Al-Khatib ... as we frequent the house of Sciences and we attend in some of the councils of Professor Rashid Redha, and Professor Muhammad Rashid Ridha is the owner of Al-Manar magazine and he was a proponent of Salafism at the beginning of the twentieth century.

The Gulf Cooperation Council was established in 1981, and included Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Qatar, Bahrain, the Emirates, Oman, and the name was chosen based on the geographical location of the countries bordering the Gulf, with the exception of Iraq for political considerations, with the clarification that Qatar and Bahrain have separated from the federation of the Emirates and the Gulf sheikhdoms After it announced its union to fill the political vacuum after the withdrawal of the British occupation in 1971, the population of the Gulf Cooperation Council countries is approximately 38 million people and about ten million foreign multinational workers, and the system of government for all GCC states is distinguished according to the system of (political inheritance) the monarchy or princedom, and the constitutions of the Gulf states explicitly stated this, as is the example of Kuwait's constitution in Article 4 (that all the rulers of Kuwait after him (the late Emir of Kuwait) are his descendants with his sons and his sons' children). This custom was only violated by two military coups, one in Qatar, Prince Hamad's coup against his father in 1995, and the second in the Sultanate of Oman with the coup of Sultan Qaboos against his father, Sultan Saeed in 1970.

The ambivalence that some traditional regimes exhibit towards the change movements witnessed in the Arab arena is of great importance to many concerned with international affairs, not because of the weight of political change that has swept the Arab region and which was formed by several political, religious, social, and economic determinants, but rather what this change means in terms of A real shift in the legitimacy of government and the methods of gaining power, as the liberal liberation movements that led the popular frenzy to change the ruling systems carried with them a new approach to governance based on: the legitimacy granted by the ruled, and not the legitimacy that the ruler seizes through a coup and / or taking over power from The path of heredity.

The West, and I mean the United States and Europe, stood in support of the authoritarian Arab regimes even after the Arab Spring revolutions erupted, starting in Tunisia in December 2010, which swept the Arab world from Morocco to Bahrain.
We mention here an important station, which is the holding of the Future Forum in Doha on January 16-19, 2011, despite the success of the Tunisian revolution in the escape of former President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali on January 14, 2011, and preparations for Revolution Tuesday in Tahrir Square on January 25, 2011 in Egypt, and many signs of the outbreak of widespread protests in More than one Arab country, the West has remained attached to Arab authoritarian regimes. We mention here the position of France to Mrs. Anne Marie, Minister of Foreign Affairs, who presented a proposal to the Sarkozy government to send an elite force to help the Ben Ali regime to suppress the protests, and France also shipped precision equipment to Tunisia to be used in monitoring electronic communications, and locating protests.

The postponement of resorting to the rules of peaceful transfer of power after the July 14 revolution, 1958, and the transformation of the measures established by the last coup in 1968 into a permanent regime based on dictatorship and terror was one of the most destructive factors for the chances of political advancement towards maturity and the crystallization of contemporary institutional behavior patterns.
Indeed, that postponement led to the deterioration of the social culture and the exacerbation of the diseases of sectarian racial thinking in understanding the history, the world, the present and the future. It seems that the oil boom in the 1970s, and its immediate reflection in the prosperity of the Iraqi family, led to the reproduction of the rise of Nazism in Iraq.

The nature of social and political phenomena is a major reason for the need to study them and the depth of their impact on the lives of individuals and societies, and there is no doubt that the topics of terrorism and economic development are among the topics that occupy the world, due to the depth of their impact on the lives of peoples, individuals and groups, because the relationship between them stems from the idea that terrorism is a social product, and hence the threats to human society are important inputs in it`s production and penetration into the folds of human societies since ancient times, manifesting violence as means to reach its goal of changing a specific political or social reality, which made researchers dwell on its study as a political phenomenon that occupied the international arena, because of it`s negative effects on peoples' development.

The American forces and those who allied with them occupied Iraq on April 9, 2003, and the Iraqi society sociologically includes an alien group that differs with it in terms of race, nationality, religion and culture, and this occupation represented a transfer of power, strength and decision to be in the hands of the occupying forces.
Many studies have indicated that people classify each other according to the ideas, beliefs, races or religions to which they belong, dividing the social body into different sections, each section occupies a specific position in society, hence it can be said that the Iraqi citizen before the occupation was aware of a certain stereotype for the American soldier, he may have been shaped by what he hears or sees in the means of mass communication, especially since these means are now accessible to almost everyone.

In light of a field study carried out by the Hammourabi Center for Research and Studies to measure Iraqi public opinion, regarding the role played by the Iraqi parliament and provincial councils (local governments), especially since the constructions that resulted from the American occupation for the years 2003-2011 have laid the foundations for many aspects surrounding the political reality The political quotas began with the Governing Council, which was distributed by the American ruler (Paul Bremer) to the Iraqi components on a basis that merged sectarian, ethnic and religious, while the provincial councils were created on the basis of involving the largest number of political components and pushing them away from resisting the occupation.

The twentieth century was distinguished by its being the century that the national question occupied, while the twenty-first century emerged, marked by the sharpness and intertwining of national-ethnic relations, which began to take the position of the national question (1) and led to an increase in the burdens, problems and complications of the international community . The Kurdish issue was not far from this development and direction, because the historical dimension of this issue began to form as a national issue since the beginning of the twentieth century, then it developed with the development of the situation in the region, and this means that this issue in its development took the advantage of the twentieth century related to the national question, and the advantage of the twenty-first century related to ethnic relations.

Since the beginning of the second Obama administration, expectations and analyzes about his role and tasks have gained momentum and importance with each day, especially since the American president in his second term is free from the burden of re-election, and usually proceeds to confirm his standing, role and distinguished achievements, to leave what is known in the American term - Legacy - meaning a legacy that it perpetuates and places him on the list of prominent and great presidents, and Obama who succeeded in his first term in avoiding the rush to wage foreign wars or enter into confrontations in the regions of conflict in the world, and withdrew from Iraq and began to reduce the forces in Afghanistan, and focused on internal affairs, And exhausted by the conflict with the Republicans in Congress, he does not intend to wage wars and confrontations with the anti-American forces, whether it is Iran or North Korea. Nor does it engage in confrontations reminiscent of the Cold War with Russia, or engage in costly settling scores with China, unless developments and pressuring circumstances impose upon him from any of those forces a situation that threatens US interests and leadership that Washington will not give up easily, and the context here means especially China, which It emerged an economic giant with an ambition that would qualify it to compete with America.

After the Muslim Brotherhood movement won the largest part of the seats in the People's Assembly and the Shura Council, and the arrival of a member of the Brotherhood Guidance Bureau, Dr. Mohamed Morsi, to the presidency. All those concerned with the Palestinian cause and the conflict with the Zionist project began to study the extent of the reflection of this shift in power in Egypt on the future of the Palestinian issue, and on the future of the Egyptian-Israeli relationship. Some started talking about their hopes and their visions for the future, as if Egypt had emerged from the American Mubarak era and entered the different era of (Muhammad Morsi the Brotherhood), ignoring the facts that were represented in:

The international system is by its nature multidimensional, states are linked with each other by a multitude of relationships at various official and informal levels, and these relations interact within the framework of what is called demand and response, which in other words means the emergence of international interactions in the context of actions and reactions. The profound geopolitical changes in Central Asia or the Arab and Islamic region that followed the Cold War would not have made a difference in the future of the Turkish role had they not been accompanied by and accompanied by developments and changes that are no less profound, whether in terms of the philosophy of the internal political system in Turkey, or what has become known as the Third Republic and, as a result, it resulted in a suitable foreign policy to manage regional and international relations and new spaces that become more complex in a transformed time.

(War) is the last stage of the political process. The disputants resort to it when it becomes an inevitable option for resolving the conflict after politics fails to do so, and for this reason, military force is used when politics fails. But the war in the Arab region has another logic, and this is due to the presence of Israel, the strange entity that colonial powers planted in the heart of the region, to form a geographic and political barrier that prevents unity, and adopts the policy of expansion and occupation as an approach after the conquest of Palestine.
Since the term Palestinian cause emerged after the disaster of 1948, the region entered the tunnel of the Arab-Israeli conflict, which has become a reason and cause of all conflicts and wars in our region, directly or indirectly. And since (Israel) is an intruder entity that usurps the land of Palestine, and because the plans of the Zionist movement exceed the geographical area of Palestine, conflicts and wars have become the title of the Middle East region par excellence.