Hammurabi journal for studies

Since 2003, the Iraqi political scene has been dominated by a number of internal and external factors and variables, which have played a remarkable role in determining the paths of Iraqi political action, and have increased a characteristic of extreme disparity, represented in the flexibility of performance and the general political situation and others, between chronic instability and cautious stability.
The government is the backbone of the Iraqi political system that was formed after 2003, and after that the executive authority. Many citizens interested in political work have pinned their hopes and wishes on its ability and potential, given the powers and means granted by the permanent constitution of 2005 to overcome many of the deep crises that accompanied the political process, and even much earlier, which led to the imposition of instability on the rhythm of its work. However, these broad hopes and aspirations collide with a radically different reality, as the conflicting and unexpected internal and external variables paint another completely contradictory picture, the most prominent features of which appear the serious, real, uninformed and non pessimistic threat to the future of the Iraqi state, and realizing that, the Iraqi state is passing through a critical stage, and is drawing its future Several scenes are covered with space and a measure of pessimistic and optimism.

The process of change after 2003 represented a major turning point in the history of contemporary Iraq, and its effects were evident in all dimensions, including the economic dimension in particular, as the Iraqi economy in its historical background is a distorted and crisis economy against the background of more than two decades, and the process of political change came in conjunction with American visions carrying the fingerprints of the uncontrolled transformation towards a market economy without any plan for this transformation process, and based on Iraqi intentions and desires, it supported this trend, despite the existence of previous experiences of other countries, some of which were organized and calculated, and the other uncontrolled and unplanned. Therefore, the results of the transformation process and its social and economic costs varied, to the political cost, but to the future of the state.

The mechanisms of cash issuance that were required by the Gold Standard in all its stages did not leave the way for the monetary or governmental authorities to interfere in the issuance process, as the strict restrictions that the issuance banks operate according to are considered as a wall that protects them from any government interference or anything else, and they were not in at that time, it was born after the problems of independence, dependency, and the limits of intervention. But after the abandonment of the gold standard in its last form, which is the exchange with gold, the expiration of the Bretton Woods Agreement in the early 1970s, and the abandonment of the United States' pivotal role in the global monetary system, monetary systems emerged that allow countries the freedom to issue money and reduce the value of their currencies, and problems and influences or the disadvantages of government intervention in the cash issuance process in countries whose governments try to extend their power and authority over central banks.
The voices of researchers began to appear in carving the concept of Independence as a critical term, Monetary Term, discussing the philosophy on which it is based and defining the principles under which it operates. Debates raged between supporters and opponents of independence. At the same time, there were economic researchers working on laying the foundations of measurement and quantification and building mechanisms that determine the degree of independence and its extent in an ordinal, discretionary or numerical form and indicate the most important doors from which government intervention comes.

There is a growing awareness of youth issues by various levels of decision-making and politics in Iraq. This realization implies knowing the importance and gravity of the role that this "social group" can play (negatively or positively) if the appropriate opportunities and environment are available for them, or (on the contrary) if the challenges and problems that prevent them from exercising this role become more severe.
Despite the increase in interest in youth issues after 2003, projects to empower and integrate youth, and give them the required place in the development process (including the priorities, plans and strategies it contains), have always collided with obstacles of violence, political instability and societal division. These transformations have necessarily led to the fragmentation of young people themselves as a (social group), and most of them have turned into part of the mechanisms of conflict in the large society, in which they gradually lost their independence in it, and with it their ability to participate actively in changing it in their favor.

Through the scientific survey organized by observation and what is published by the media and the political and social movement that abounds in the Iraqi street, we found that there is a weakness in the sense of citizenship among the Iraqi citizen, and that this trend has various reasons, and also has serious consequences on the level of national loyalty and a sense of national unity, so the the subject of the study investigates the following:
1- How does a highly educated Iraqi citizen feel citizenship, and what are the motives and causes of that feeling?
2- How do the members of the research sample see the reasons that weaken the Iraqi citizenship factor?
3- What are the most prominent phenomena that encourage weak citizenship?
4- What is the sample’s opinion of the tools and activities for consolidating citizenship in Iraq?

After the events of September 11th, the issue of "states with problems" turned from a humanitarian issue to a security issue, and then the concept of a failed state came - at the beginning of the nineties - an embodiment of a new way of thinking about issues of security and peace at the global level. In it, major powers have an opportunity to interfere in the affairs of states that have been mourned by failure, and to deal with them in a way that reshapes them to serve certain political purposes, under the pretext that they represent a threat to the international community.
Therefore, the concept of a failed state had a tangible presence in the foreign policy discourse of Western countries in general, and the United States of America in particular. This discourse, which considered that a failed state produces human suffering and regional instability, allows the transfer of organized crime, and is a stronghold of terrorism that it exports abroad. This may be true, but some have stopped at two facts, the first: The major powers use this description or this classification to stigmatize states from whom they expect a threat, regardless of their failure in reality. And the second; The policies pursued by these major powers in dealing with failed states have so far yielded little success.

Dialogue is a popular demand, and everyone's desire to achieve peace and coexistence with all the people of the same nation in peace, for a common future for all, and it is the only way to enter the future and achieve development, because the experiences of mankind have proven that wars with all its parties are defeated, and that the homeland accommodates everyone without fighting, and with fighting there is no room for anyone.
This research presents a vision for building and enabling a culture of dialogue in Syria. It offers proposals for solutions to a community crisis, in order to achieve tolerance and respect for others and achieve democracy ... to reach the desired development that cannot take place without the courage of dialogue between citizens of a country in which they have equal rights and accept each other, and this acceptance is not an acceptance of necessity. Rather, a civilized acceptance that allows achieving societal goals. This research discusses how entities and individuals with different cultures, beliefs, and absolutes can reach mental and cultural convergence and mutual rights that allow for coexistence, by clarifying the culture of dialogue, its types and its foundations, which are represented in tolerance and respect for others, and the foundations that must be agreed upon in order to build the (democracy) state. And its obstacles that are represented by intolerance, sectarianism, the abolition of the other, dictatorship and backwardness, in order to confirm that there is no way for the Syrian society to get out of its current crisis except with the culture of dialogue through which the rights of different groups are preserved and continue to exist, in order to aspire to building a future Syria.

For the sake of the supremacy of the constitution, oversight may arise over ordinary laws, so that these laws do not contradict the principles or spirit of constitutional articles. That is, oversight is placed on the legislator who issues laws, and of course it must be entrusted to a specific body other than the one that legislates laws to ensure that it does not oppose the constitution, because placing this control in the hands of the legislative authority means thus circumventing the principle that the constitutionality of laws must be monitored because it is not conceivable that The authority that establishes the law monitors itself. Therefore, states entrusted with creating censorship that took the form of one of the following two types.
Political censorship: it is the censorship carried out by a political body, and it has also been called the fact that the body that practices it has a political character, and this censorship is considered a previous censorship, and France and what was stated in the Constitution of the Fifth Republic of 1958 is a pioneer in this field, and the task of oversight has been entrusted to a body he called The Constitutional Council, Chapter Seven of the Constitution was assigned to it, explaining what this Council is, how it is formed, the type of its members and its functions.
Judicial oversight: What concerns us from censorship is judicial oversight, which is exercised by a judicial body with a judicial quality, as it appeared as an alternative method to political oversight that was the subject of criticism by constitutional jurisprudence.

Turkish-Israeli relations are of great importance, united by a common strategic vision that goes back to the relations of the Jews with the Ottoman Empire before the establishment of the official state for both parties, and this is what made relations between them develop in 1949 since Turkey's recognition of Israel.
That Turkish-Israeli relations are based on mutual interest, as each side sees the other as the tool and mechanism to achieve foreign policy goals within the regional and international spheres, and after the AKP's rise to power in Turkey in (2002), relations between them were characterized by complete instability. However, the elements of the joint Turkish-Israeli vision crystallized for the success of the strategic cooperation agreement between them, for reasons represented in: (violence and instability in the Middle East region, hostility to Syria on both sides, security risks coming from Iraq and Iran, the problematic relationship with Europe, Turkey's desire In joining the European Union, and the strategic relationship with the United States of America).
However, despite the Islamist leanings of the Justice and Development Party, and the party leaders ’endeavor to deepen relations with the Arab and Islamic neighboring countries, this did not deter the AKP government from deviating from its close and strategic relations with (Israel) despite the ups and downs that followed those relationships.