Hammurabi journal for studies

The past four years have witnessed a remarkable decline of American powers in the world, especially in the Middle East region, as well as the saying of "the unipolar world". Although America has the elements of comprehensive power, the relative weight of its power has been declining over the past ten years with the growing rise Other powers in the world, and the leadership base of the international system expanded from the circle of the United States of America to a wider circle that includes five powers, namely: the United States, Japan, the European Union, Russia, and China, in addition to emerging powers such as Brazil and India.

The issue of power and what is related to it has been the subject of discussion and discussion among strategic and political researchers, especially with regard to its foundations or sources of this power, although history provides us that most of the criteria that are relied upon in assessing aspects of strength focus on armies and armaments, and that the concept of power overlaps Power with other concepts, such as authority, influence, coercion, deterrence, and submission ... etc, that are used in the analysis of the elements of power, as authority is the first face of political power, and in general it is a force of an organized character and is linked to a recognized function or position within society. Legitimacy of its user has the right to issue orders and mandatory decisions to others.

Since the occupation of Iraq in 2003, the American and Western strategic thinking has been heading towards generating new approaches that try to adopt a new model for regional interactions, providing a new map for understanding levels of performance and intellectual interaction. And because the trends of change were not limited to Iraq, as the region witnessed waves of political change that all contributed to creating special cases of regional interaction, according to which the priorities of thinking and calculations of interests moved towards the sectarian conflict, as the decision-maker no longer occupies his thinking about the state, to the extent that it is perceived by the social sectarian groups and their political movement towards the region and the interior in which they live. Instead of thinking centers in the United States of America and European countries revolving around the circle of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict and ensuring Israel\'s security in the Middle East, trends are now turning towards limiting or expanding the conflict between social groups in the region. The aforementioned talk does not deny the importance of Israel’s security to Western strategic think tanks. However, the conditions afflicting the Middle East have made many countries in the region do not enjoy security except Israel, and therefore, to perpetuate these conditions, think tanks have adopted approaches in which social groups are employed, as one of the methods used to break The countries of the region and to impede other powers in the international system, which seek or are looking for influence in the Middle East, and the dynamism of these approaches lies in expanding the scope of the conflict and working to stabilize it, through the accumulations and problems of history and employing them in the new cultural structures to perpetuate the aspects of conflict for the longest possible period in the region.

By tracking the American behavior towards the Middle East in general and the Gulf region in particular, it appears to us that this behavior, in a first impression of it, provokes conflicts and is not disciplined in its performance, so that the initial assessment goes that the United States has entered itself into unending conflicts in the Middle East region. As part of its endeavor to build a new Middle East by creating vacuums of power, however, pronouncing this judgment makes the reader of the subject miss a very important matter, which is the view of American strategic thinkers, headed by Henry Kissinger, to the Middle East as a region that does not represent a state of nations but rather a mixture of different nationalities, and in order for the United States to control the process of interaction and control of these different nationalities, it needs: to know the centers of power and work to control them or impose the paths of interaction on them, and both options require capabilities for the advancement of a superpower and the ability for strategic planning.

Yemen occupies strategic importance to Saudi Arabia, due to its distinguished geographical location, which gives it importance to achieve Saudi strategic interests. However, the Yemeni crisis, despite being affected by the winds of change that the Arab region witnessed in 2011, had its effects in the heart of the balance of power in the region, but it was not new. Throughout the extended period (2004-2010), Yemen witnessed instability, its effects reflected on the Gulf arena, and with the renewed crisis, it formed a focal point and importance for Saudi Arabia, given the geostrategic importance of Yemen to them in its regional influence. It put the protest movement in the Saudi region under a serious test, especially after it reached its backside in Yemen, as these developments imposed their repercussions on its interests, as the most important determinants and general objectives of the Saudi-led war is to fill the void in its favor in Yemen, which is to establish A new political and military balance of power in the Middle East, to prevent the Iranian presence in this region, according to the perceptions of the coalition countries, there is a fear that the winds of change will extend across Yemen to impose a state of radical change in the region, and this is what reflected the impact of the crisis on the internal Saudi situation to impose fears in the scene Accordingly, the crisis forced it to search for alternatives through which it could guarantee its security and regional influence.

Since the end of the twentieth century, the so-called social dialogue has emerged within the framework of labor administration, which is a basic form and an important rule stipulated in national labor legislation in most countries, according to what was stipulated in international work conventions regarding the compulsory organization of social dialogue for the three production parties: the government, employers, and workers. Social dialogue has become a labor right, just like freedom of association, freedom to strike and other labor rights. We find that social dialogue in the field of labor relations has emerged as an important and fundamental solution to all problems that may lead to labor demonstrations or strikes, as an important stage in which the stakeholders negotiate perhaps they will find appropriate solutions before the problem aggravates and enters into strikes that often have negative aspects on the functioning of the work and production wheel.

Since it began implementing its plans in Palestine, the Zionist movement has adopted the idea of conflict with the Arabs, to turn to the mobilization of all Jewish capabilities in the whole world, while benefiting from global support, and in preparation for entering into a series of wars with the Arabs, past and present, and entering the Islamic Republic of Iran on the line and counting it among the countries that threaten the existence of the state of Israel, the escalation of this conflict entrenched in the Israeli leadership the necessity of seeking to possess the largest possible means of force. Indeed, the doctrine of possessing power naturally led to the desire to seek beyond the possession of the nuclear option.
The study deals with an important topic, which is the Israeli nuclear capabilities, and the danger they pose to the Arab countries and the Middle East region, and what this has implications for the future of the region, and the future of Israel launching a military strike against Iran, as it did in the past against the Iraqi nuclear reactor, and what are the implications of these strike, if it occurs.

This study is an attempt to extrapolate the reality of transitional justice in Egypt after the 25th of January and the 30th of June revolutions. The Egyptian reality is a unique case that is almost completely different from what countries like the Maghreb, South Africa, eastern European countries, Argentina and Chile have known to the last of those models. In those cases, the matter was devoted to settling the remnants of a previous phase, starting to a new phase, but the matter for us in Egypt looks different. With regard to three previous stages - at least - we would like transitional justice to manage the social and political conflict and liquidate their remnants to build the new phase. The period of the rule of former President Mohamed Hosni Mubarak, which ended on February 11, 2011, followed by the period of the Military Council’s seizure of power, which in turn ended on June 30, 2012, to begin the period of the rule of former President Mohamed Morsi, which ended on July 3, 2013, to begin the period of interim President Adli Mansour existing so far, each of the previous stages has its legal, political and economic transgressions, but also its martyrs, and most of its files are still open, before which the government and the judiciary are bound.

The population is, of course, increasing at varying rates all over the world in general, and in the third world in particular. This rapid population growth has resulted in unequal needs for water, to secure food, household consumption, industries, hydroelectric power generation and other multiple uses of water. Because of these increasing water needs, countries have held many conferences and seminars, to secure the lifeline for humans, animals and plants, and harnessed water technology to reduce water losses, in addition to the technology of desalination of sea water that is making progress to find the best means to provide water for human use.

The International Criminal Court is a permanent judicial body established according to an international treaty, whose parties have agreed on the need to investigate and prosecute the most serious and most concerned crimes of the international community, which are: genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes, and the crime of aggression. Indeed, the existence of strong and independent mechanisms based on achieving international criminal justice is one of the most important pillars of preserving international security and restoring peace to all parts of the globe. In addition, the establishment of these mechanisms reflects the development of a sense of responsibility and justice as values recognized at the international level, and so that there is effective justice One must not be excluded from the possibility of being subject to the jurisdiction of the judiciary in the event of a claim against it, otherwise we would be in the matter of an incomplete and unproductive justice, it is known that any international treaty produces its effects only between its parties, and therefore the governing principle of international treaties is the principle of the relative effect of the treaty (Principe de relativites).