Hammurabi journal for studies

THIS SCIENTIFIC PAPER IS A STUDY THAT TRACED THE REPERCUSSIONS OF THE IRAN-IRAQ WAR, THE FIRST GULF WAR, THE LONGEST TRADITIONAL WARS IN THE TWENTIETH CENTURY ON IRAQI FOREIGN POLICY, AFTER THE ISLAMIC REVOLUTION IN IRAN IN 1979, AND ITS LEADERS RAISED THE SLOGAN OF EXPORTING THE REVOLUTION THAT WORRIED THE ARAB COUNTRIES SURROUNDING IRAN. PROVIDED BY IRAQ AND THE GULF STATES. ON THE OTHER HAND, SADDAM HUSSEIN'S ARRIVAL TO POWER IN IRAQ IN 1979 TO SUCCEED PRESIDENT AHMED HASSAN AL-BAKR, THE EFFECTS OF IRAN'S FEARS, RENEWED DIFFERENCES BETWEEN THE TWO COUNTRIES, WHICH HAVE THEIR ROOTS IN THE DEPTHS OF HISTORY, IRAQ FOUGHT A DEVASTATING WAR THAT DRAINED ITS MATERIAL AND MORAL CAPABILITIES FOR EIGHT YEARS, LEAVING POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC EFFECTS ON IRAQ AND IRAN.
THE STUDY TRIED TO TRACE THE REPERCUSSIONS OF THE 1980-1988 IRAQ-IRAN WAR ON IRAQI FOREIGN POLICY. THE STUDY WAS DIVIDED INTO THREE TOPICS. THE FIRST TOPIC DEALT WITH THE REPERCUSSIONS OF THE WAR ON IRAQ'S ROLE IN THE NON-ALIGNED MOVEMENT AND ON ITS FOREIGN RELATIONS WITH THE GULF COUNTRIES, JORDAN AND SYRIA, WHILE THE SECOND TOPIC INCLUDED THE IMPACT OF THE WAR ON THE IRAQI POSITION ON THE ARAB-ZIONIST CONFLICT. IN THE THIRD TOPIC, I ALSO DEALT WITH THE US POLICY TOWARDS IRAQ AFTER THE END OF THE IRAQ-IRAN WAR. WHAT ARE THE MOST IMPORTANT EFFECTS AND REPERCUSSIONS OF THAT WAR ON IRAQ, AND HOW WAS THE US POLICY TOWARDS IRAQ AFTER THE WAR ENDED? THE STUDY RELIED ON THE HISTORICAL METHOD THAT TRACKS THE INCIDENT, THE ANALYTICAL METHOD TO UNDERSTAND ITS BACKGROUNDS, THE DESCRIPTIVE METHOD THAT PROVIDES EXPLANATIONS AND INTERPRETATION, AND THE CRITICAL APPROACH THAT CLARIFIES THE ERROR OF SOME THEORIES, AND REMAINS A MODEST ATTEMPT, TO EXTRAPOLATE HISTORY, TO EXPLORE FUTURE PROSPECTS.

Iraq enjoys great importance in the US strategy for several considerations, most notably the oil wealth and the important geographical location, and the economic factor with the political factor are among the most important reasons that led to the occupation of Iraq, as the US administration adopted a strategy to create the widest global front to combat terrorism to achieve its interests, as the United States declared itself the only one responsible for combating terrorism, and it defined several principles and rules in its international relationship, and its most prominent features were the declaration of preventive war anywhere in the world that it perceived as a threat to its security, and the use of all means, including military intervention in Iraq and the change of existing political regimes, based on the principle (Who is not with us, He is against us).
The American administration’s adoption of this new strategy had a major role in its entry into Iraq and adopting a new policy in it, because of the strategic importance it represents in the geographical location and the oil wealth. Therefore, the United States of America, according to its vision, occupied Iraq in 2003, in order to achieve its interests with what is compatible with its goals and its global strategy.

The Iraqi military doctrine, like other constants that define the general features of the Iraqi state, was so weak and vague that it became difficult to decide whether there is really what we can call an Iraqi military doctrine consistent with the constitution and the political doctrine that was drawn after the fall of the regime in 2003 ? Or is what is presented as a military doctrine does not rise to this level, but rather hovers under the banner of the combat doctrine or the fighting doctrine of the Iraqi army?
This research is an attempt to outline what the Iraqi military doctrine is, and an attempt to define the general frameworks for it, and for the fighting doctrines of the arms and branches of the Iraqi armed forces that are certainly based on the general content of the military doctrine based primarily on the political doctrine defined by the disputed Iraqi constitution as well.
The repercussions of the anti-terror war, the repercussions of the terrible fall of Mosul and the expansion of ISIS in 40 percent of Iraqi lands in the summer of 2014, and the fierce battles that followed to liberate Iraqi lands from the claws of internationally supported terrorism, obviously and clearly affected the pillars and components of the Iraqi military doctrine. What is mentioned is an attempt to simulate the lived reality away from pure academic theorizing and proposals.

This study discusses the importance of the Arab Gulf region of geopolitics for Israel because it is located in the near geographical neighborhood, in addition to that, Israel seeks to show its increasing role and influence in the region, especially after the Israeli normalization with the Emirates and Bahrain, which it proposes at the same time that there are common factors in various fields, including security, political and economic. In addition, the study tries to discover the conditions that imposed the Israeli-Gulf rapprochement and to define the parameters of this relationship in front of establishing a new regional reality under the influence of the United States. This was evident in the reasons cited in the study related to Israel's ambitions to play an important role in protecting American interests, on the one hand, and on the other hand, containing the emerging regional actors. In this context, the study reviewed the most important challenges that faces the Israeli strategy in the region.

This research studies the motives and contexts that led to the announcement of the Emirati-Bahraini normalization agreement with Israel and its repercussions on the Gulf states, Iran, and the Palestinian cause as a whole. As this event represented a major turning point in the forms of relations and alliances existing in the Middle East.
In this research, we will also seek to raise a number of problems that the topic of our research will arouse theoretically and practically, and accordingly we raise the following problematic questions:
What are the contexts and outcomes of the UAE-Bahrain agreement with Israel?
What are the implications of this agreement on the Palestinian issue and on the Gulf states?
How did this normalization contribute to deepening the state crisis in our Arab world?
Will this lead to a review of Arab nationalist thought?
These are problems aimed at addressing a research hypothesis related to the implications of the normalization agreement and its repercussions on the Middle East region, as there is practical value to research the potential future effects of this announcement, in order to understand the dimensions of the decisions taken in the present, to diagnose threats and opportunities, as well as to anticipate the future.
In order for the research treatment to gain its feasibility, we combined three methodological phases, a descriptive phases concerned with reviewing a set of ideas, and an analytical one that understood their backgrounds, stakes and similar debates, then a critical development that showed the error of some of the sayings and scenarios and monitors their theoretical and practical paradox.

Populism was generally founded on many ideas and thesis that would put populism in the category of contemporary ideologies, such as hostility to the democratic establishment, the elite and foreigners, and thus pose a threat to the democratic political system and the values of liberal democracy, in the United States, the danger seems to be greater considering that populism as a phenomenon in general began in the United States of America, and escalated under Trump\'s arrival in the White House, and on this basis the American populism is located in the idea of the political spectrum at the extreme right, and expresses the directions of the right extremist in the USA. Populism in the United States of America is therefore a qualitative anti-democratic, more precisely populism against liberal democracy.

Technological developments in social media resulting from globalization have been a major feature in the transformation of terrorist organizations, and the production of new types of terrorists and extremists who are able to interact with the information and communication revolution. Most of the terrorist crimes are linked to the Internet, which is the preferred theater for extremists. The first kills, and the second justifies, incites and recruits, which made the Internet an effective means because it is easy to use, quick to reach the public, cheap, and a free space without censorship of what is written and seen. Although cyber terrorism is one of the major threats to the security of the international community, the legal analysis of its international confrontation depends on the legal framework to confront terrorism and technological crimes in general. There is no clear international position, no legal controls or precedents that can be relied upon, or even a clear comprehensive international agreement about cyber security to criminalize extremist and terrorist social media users.

The Corona crisis threatened the institutions of the international system that dealt with lightness and non-seriousness at the beginning of the emergence of the crisis, and therefore this pandemic may work to restructure the international system as it may lead to political, economic and social changes and repercussions that will affect everyone, and perhaps a world that is completely different from what it is now. Also, the Corona virus threatens to cause severe complications in the global economy, which leads to a sick and heavily indebted economy, and thus stops the cash flows of companies, which leads to the inability of these companies to pay interest payments, as well as serious repercussions such as low production, high unemployment and economic stagnation, which began its features In the emergence of low oil prices to a very low level at the beginning of the pandemic, threatening oil companies that are seeking to pay off their debts and threatening oil-exporting countries that depend on its revenues to buy their needs, we also find international relations between countries may be affected in a way with the corona pandemic outcome, especially China and the United States, which are competing for their emergence as the dominant powers in the world, which may lead to drawing a new road map for international relations, in any case, the prediction of these changes is still early, especially since the epidemic is still continuing and does not know when it will end.