Hammurabi journal for studies

This research explores the problem of Turkish identity, which has moved from secularism, which preserved its general form, to the new Ottoman empire which is present in the contemporary Turkish political mind since the 1950s, and which has been viewed by many Turkish political thinkers. It is, in turn, has produced the problem of identity in Turkey at the political and social level, as well as the continuation of Erdogan's political approach and the PJD approach in general with the al-kamaliyya thesis added to it Islamic and Ottoman values which have deepened the problem of identity in Turkey.

Freedom of expression and opinion enjoys great importance in all societies, and defending it is an essential and necessary part of international covenants, as it is the pillar of other freedoms that include the right to thought, conscience, religion, etc. It is connected with freedom of peaceful demonstrations and participation in protests through which individuals express their opinions freely.
In Turkey it is found that despite laws and constitution containing many articles that guarantee freedom of opinion and expression, it practices many violations of these freedoms by arbitrary means, such as arrest and imprisonment in criminal and terrorist cases, and the use of excessive force to disperse peaceful protests, and it does not commit itself with the articles of the International Covenant to which it voluntarily joined, which prohibits restricting the right of opinion and expression, in a way that empties it of its basic content. The Turkish government has also worked on political interference in the Turkish judiciary and the trial of individuals despite the absence of evidence.

The Horn of Africa is considered one of the most important geographical and strategic regions which possesses a unique geographical location and imposes its control over the southern entrance to the Red Sea through Bab al-Mandab, as this maritime region is considered one of the most important commercial shipping routes in the world that carries the movement of oil and military trade. It also forms the Afro-Turkish relations which is an important aspect of Turkish foreign policy, especially in light of Ankara's keenness to expand in the African region and achieve many regional gains in the region, particularly after the successes achieved by Ankara within the African continent and the increase of its influence in Somalia, Sudan, Djibouti, and some other countries in the region. This gives Ankara a strong impetus to increase its activities inside Africa. Turkey also limits its presence within the African continent, especially in the Horn of Africa, to achieve several reasons and motives, whether they are in relation to security, military or economic reasons in the region. Turkey has been able to open its largest military base in Somalia, train about ten thousand soldiers and establish economic, military and security partnerships with Djibouti and Ethiopia, as well as Turkish investments appear in Ethiopia, especially on the Blue Nile, as well as its strong support for the file of the Renaissance Dam and the fight against piracy in Somalia, and the attempt to control the entrance to the Red Sea through Djibouti.
Within the framework of the multiple foreign policy that Turkey adopts towards the African continent, there are several possible scenarios, but there are two most important scenarios for this relationship: the first of which is the slowdown in the levels of cooperation, especially as Turkey seeks to develop its relations with African countries, but there are several obstacles including increasing reservations that many of the trends within the countries of the continent regarding the goals that Ankara is working to achieve. And in light of the keenness to use ideological and historical mechanisms, it leads to an escalation of the controversy between some liberal and Islamic currents in some countries regarding the possible paths of relations with Ankara.

This research deals with the constitutional and legal rules related to determining the date of holding regular and early elections, on the level of procedural or substantive aspects, by conducting a comparison and matching the practical reality for determining the date of the elections with the legislative reality, in order to reach an assessment of the constitutionality of setting an early date for elections by the Iraqi Prime Minister on June 6, 2021, which is postponed to the tenth of October, and put forward the necessary recommendations that would review the legal map that should be followed in this regard.

Noise produced from natural environment constitutes a constant violation on life and represents a source of anxiety in the natural environment of humans. It goes along human activities through which it plays a great role in affecting human health according to its degree and nature. So noise forms an unbearable major danger and a trespassing on life patterns which humans bear the burden of it and is reflected on tranquility in particular. Hence, the legislator seeks to legislate many punishing acts to keep public tranquility and eradicate noise ( noise pollution) . But it is accompanied with dispersion which create chaos when it is applied, besides it was inactive and this is the core of this research in which this problem will be tackled.

It is an attempt that may not be integrated to delve into one of the most complex security issues, especially if we know that defining the requirements for building and developing the force is a matter of many difficulties, especially in light of existing threats. However, the study includes delving into the requirements required to build and develop the Iraqi armed forces in an attempt to define the general framework for the institutional building of the Iraqi military capabilities, the size of the tasks and the available capabilities. There is no doubt that the grave events that accompanied the fall of Mosul and the expansion of ISIS cast a delusion on the building and development of the security establishment. The nature of the existing threats, both internal and external, also played a major role in determining the nature of those requirements and the extent to which they could be met. These challenges have diverged into several aspects, including: political, economic, social, and institutional, and in all cases, the study sailed in the midst of future visions of building strength for the Iraqi armed forces, taking those challenges and determinations as a standard for what is required. Preparing a clear military strategy and preparing the appropriate climate for it in no way is not separated from two main issues that have been focused on, namely: available capabilities and abilities, and existing and potential threats and challenges.

This research was prepared on the basis of the criteria and standards by which Arab satellite channels practice their news’ role in dealing with news of the Gulf-Israeli treaty and what they prepared to create or form the trends for the Iraqi academic elite basing on these channels.
Which led the researcher to guess that create a confusion in understanding the treaty’s news occurred among the public as a result of the Arab channels ’efforts to influence based on what is consistent with their news and political standards, whether by agreement, rejection or neutrality of the treaty’s content. Then the research problem was with several questions and addressing it required a scientific questionnaire that divided into personal data, exposure to Arab channels and evaluation.
The researcher applied the scientific methodology in light of determining the research community, its sample, tools and fields and then applying accurate evaluation and statistical tests in order to measure the respondents' answers and the extent of inference on the statistical differences in order to fulfill the assumptions and correlational relations or not, as well as the research concluded with a number of results, the most important as the following:
1. Determining the Arab channels that the Iraqi academic elite use to obtain news of the Gulf-Israeli treaty.
2. The research hypotheses and the inference are realized on statistically significant differences, which confirm the influence of the Arab channels adopted by the Iraqi academic elite in forming specific trends towards the treaty.
3. Correlational relations are partially achieved via inferring statistical significant differences, which approve the effectiveness of the demographic and academic variables of the Iraqi academic elite towards forming cognitive, emotional and behavioral trends about the Gulf-Israeli treaty.
The search included (24) tables.

Ce document de recherche traite du problème de considérer la gouvernance comme un projet pratique qui a un impact sur le terrain, en particulier avec la critique croissante qui considère ce projet comme de simples mécanismes. Les grandes puissances dominent les pays et les sociétés qui sont faibles ou fragiles, car ce sujet met en évidence les différents courants qui soutiennent esopposent à cette idée et recherchent Ses aspects réels, et cest en recherchant les mécanismes de sa mise en œuvre à travers les institutions internationales internationales, en plus d’essayer de découvrir la seconde face qui la rejette en présentant son soutien à la corruption et en servant les puissances dominantes dans la réalisation de leurs intérêts et en généralisant un modèle culturel mondialisé au détriment des particularités du peuple. B autre et sa culture.