political issues

The Gaza War (2023–2025) has catalyzed a shift in the political economy of conflict, revealing a profound nexus between military operations and global capital. This study introduces the concept of the "Genocide Economy," where war functions as an investment system managed by transnational corporations (TNCs) that profit from destruction and conflict prolongation.
This research investigates the mechanisms through which TNCs provide economic, technological, and logistical support to the Netanyahu government during the Gaza conflict. It specifically analyzes how corporate involvement facilitates military campaigns and constitutes a form of collective economic support for genocide.
The study adopting a descriptive approach, the study defines the multifaceted roles of TNCs in managing war. A statistical approach is further utilized to analyze quantitative data regarding arms transfers, military technology investments, and supply chain interdependencies.
Also identifies a vast network of approximately 1,000 commercial entities — including tech giants, financial institutions, and arms manufacturers — that enable structural violations through AI-driven targeting, financial services, and energy supply. Findings suggest that the "privatization of genocide" allows corporations to use conflict zones as testing grounds for "combat-proven" products, creating economic incentives for the sustainability of violence.
The research concludes that the structural integration of global capital and military policy necessitates urgent international accountability. Recommendations include activating national courts for corporate complicity, initiating divestment campaigns, and establishing global monitors for military supply chains.

Global economic security has been built on the foundation of stable and prosperous nations and societies. The rising complexities of an increasingly interdependent world have demonstrated that secure sources of energy are essential for achieving economic safety. In particular, several recent international events, such as the COVID-19 pandemic and Russia’s war on Ukraine, have highlighted the fragile nature of global supply chains, their potential to create inflationary pressures, and their considerable impact on the geopolitical stability of nations. As such, the present study will examine the relationship between energy security and geopolitical rivalry through the lens of renewable energy technologies as they apply to each of these dimensions. Using international energy databases and comparative analysis of energy policy in order to support this exploration, the study will explore the areas that will serve as the battlegrounds of future geopolitical competition—traditional oil and natural gas supply chains; liquefied natural gas (LNG) trade; and supply chains for critical minerals—and will demonstrate how these competing interests among global powers will be actualized in the European Union’s experience of relocating toward lower-carbon energy sources. Conclusion: The analysis indicates a transition to renewable energy; thus, it is not only an environmental necessity and obligation but also a basic economic and geopolitical strategy for building national resilience against external shocks. This transition is progressively restructuring such power dynamics globally; thus, creating a shift from dominion over fossil fuel "molecules" to dominion over minerals critical for their supply chain as well as clean technology value chain for purposes of establishing a strategic advantage.

The concept of power has several different meanings due to varying opinions and definitions among thinkers and researchers, as well as the different theories that have interpreted it. Therefore, research into the topic of smart power and its application is of paramount importance. The smart power strategy adopted by the United States in its foreign policy after President Barack Obama took office in 2009 is considered a combination of soft power and hard power. This approach reflects the difficulty of achieving desired results using either soft or hard power alone.

This study seeks to establish the concept of entropy as an analytical framework in strategic studies and national security, by tracing its intellectual trajectory from its thermodynamic origins to its contemporary applications in analyzing the dynamics of the international system. The study addresses a central problematic: How does the concept of entropy contribute to reformulating contemporary strategic thought, and what are its implications for national security approaches in an international environment characterized by complexity and uncertainty? The study hypothesizes that entropy, as a root metaphor, provides an analytical framework capable of explaining the dynamics of deconstruction and reconstruction in strategic systems beyond the explanatory capacity of traditional theories. The study concludes that the concept of entropy offers advanced analytical tools for understanding structural transformations in the international system, mechanisms of security deterioration, and possibilities for rebuilding order through dissipative structures.

The present paper tackles the basic geopolitical determinants of Armenia’s location and its impact on formulating the “Russian Strategy Concerning the South Caucasus” through adopting a critical geopolitics and its strategic merits.
This research starts with the thesis that Russia treats Armenia as a "security asset" and a "geopolitical knot" within its "state-civilization" project and the doctrine of "near-neighborhood," viewing it as a tool for Russian hegemony.
The research wields a compound methodology, combining systems of analysis to deconstruct and reconstruct the inputs and outputs of Russian foreign policy. It utilizes tools of "critical geopolitics" to analyze Russia’s discourse on the "Russian world" and Armenia, and uses a "future studies" methodology to anticipate potential scenarios for Russia’s role in "corridor wars," particularly in the Zangezur Corridor and the "Middle Corridor ."
The research treated the actual and potential results of the decline of Russia’s uniqueness in influencing “the security of the Caucasus” with the rise of roles for Turkey and the European Union, in addition to the shift of Russia’s priority to “pragmatic and geoeconomic calculations” to “dominate the corridors and trade flows” to “keep Armenia in a state of “structural dependence” on Russia’s Eurasian sphere.

The World Bank and Political Systems in the Middle East since the Cold War While they claim that their mission is to foster growth and fight poverty, their programs often extend outside the realm of economies and touch political systems. Structural adjustment and loan-dependent packages have also transformed institutions and market policies in such countries as Jordan, Egypt. But such reforms were not accepted as nonpolitical economic acts and, instead, funneled through domestic politics to produce politically weighted effect. submit to some model of global neoliberalism, the [Bank] policies have been and political developments in the region. The Bank’s programs have, on the one hand, spurred modernization and institutional reform; but they have also intensified contradictions between economic reforms and restricted political liberalization. The results are somewhat nuanced by the politics and history of the Middle East, which in turn underscores the relevance and controversy of the Bank's involvement. This article explores the argument that the World Bank has been less engaged in projects for transferring ready-made models with local adaptations, which may have a lasting impact on governance and democracy.

This research analyzes the impact of Iraqi-Turkish political relations on the volume of trade between the two countries during the period (2004-2022) in light of the overlap between political and economic considerations in contemporary international relations. The research relies on integrating economic variables with quantitative political indicators such as the political stability index for Iraq and Turkey, The regional indicator between the two countries, called the dummy variable, represents periods of tension, rapprochement, or political cooperation between Iraq and Turkey, the research adopts a standard analytical approach using annual time data to estimate the relationship between the variables and test their statistical significance through a standard regression model,the expected results indicate a statistically significant relationship between the nature of political relations and the volume of trade between Iraq and Turkey, with the direction of the influence varying according to the stage of the political relationship, whether it is cooperation or tension.

This article develops a mechanism-first account of systemic change from post–Cold War unipolarity toward a more diversified configuration amid China’s ascendancy and the United States’ relative retrenchment. Polarity is treated as a joint property of capabilities and the conversion channels that render those capabilities effective; alliances and alignment architectures, technology and standards regimes, and monetary–financial infrastructures. Using a descriptive–analytical approach, the study specifies domain-level indicators (multi-year capability convergence; patterns of balancing, binding, and hedging; standards bifurcation and supply-chain rewiring; reserve/invoicing diversification and alternative payment rails) and proposes conservative thresholds for inferring system-level change via cross-domain reinforcement. The analysis finds uneven but cumulative movement away from a simple unipolar pattern: alignment and technology exhibit the clearest shifts, with minilateral security–industrial arrangements and rival standards ecosystems institutionalizing alternative pathways for influence. Monetary change is slower yet increasingly constrains the reach of financial coercion at the margin. The resulting picture is asynchronous and issue-specific; pockets of multipolar or club-based authority coexist with domains that retain unipolar or dyadic features. The article clarifies adjudication among persistent unipolarity, hard bipolarity, and diversified multipolarity, and outlines operational criteria that can be implemented in subsequent empirical work.

This research sheds light on US policies toward the Israeli-Palestinian conflict under the administration of President Donald Trump, who served as the 45th President of the United States from 2017 to 2021 and is currently serving as the 47th President, assuming office on January 20, 2025, following his victory in the 2024 presidential election.
The study concludes that the Trump administration adopted a different approach from the traditional US policy toward the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. This shift was embodied in Trump's adoption of a series of decisions, measures, and initiatives that reshaped the conflict, based on a clear and explicit bias in favor of Israel, disregarding the principles of international law, the international community, and legitimate international resolutions, and at the expense of the rights of the Palestinian people and their right to self-determination.

The study points towards the growing problems like threat from cyber-terrorism and growing dependence on technology and how the new frontiers of interstate and terrorist group conflict are cyber-terrorism. The study attributes these trends to the rising threats to the global order, as the economic losses from cybercrime are likely to surpass $10 trillion by 2025. The report above is testimony to the dangers of terrorists abusing technology. The analysis identifies three main (but still limited) avenues through which international cooperation may play a role in addressing cyber-terrorism: the Budapest Convention (2001); the United Nations Comprehensive Convention on Cybercrime (2024); and the Interpol-European Union cooperation on information and security and technical support to that European Union. The study notes Iraq’s activism within the international context and the establishment of international cyber security meetings and building international capacity. The author of this study argues that international cooperation needed to overcome the challenges of cyber-terrorism, such as a response of legislation with the level of legislation corresponding to the pace of technological development and the amount of control needed between the right to digital privacy and the right to secure cyberspace is the answer.

This study examines how digital media coverage of the Tawfan Al-Aqsa events participate in the reproduction of violent discourse across the digital media. These events represented a vertex moment in both political and media scenes. This research focuses on analyzing the reality of foreign and Zionist digital media content in their coverage of these events with a sample of well-known digital newspapers. Also, through the discourse of Zionist Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu after October 7, 2023. This study investigates how both media coverage and political discourse functioned as incitement tools aiming to justify the use of political violence by the Zionist entity against Palestine. The researcher employs qualitative content analysis methodology applied to a selected sample of digital news and media interactions. The significance of this study lies in concentrating on the relationship between digital media and the incitement to use violence, and how the digital media can evolve from being a mere channel for information resource into an active tool in the wars —by contributing to normalizing violence on both local and international levels.

The sanctions impose significant economic pressure on states, organizations, and individuals, leading them to behave differently, which mitigates circumstances in conflicts and helps contribute to stability. The Magnitsky Act is a turning point in international law and global governance. Unlike most other sanctions on entire states, the Magnitsky framework targets individuals accused of corruption, money laundering, or human rights violations. A preliminary discussion about economic sanctions and their objective perform in this research, before adopting an investigation of how they were used as effective instrument of diplomacy against international relations and American foreign policy.
The particular context of the passage of the Magnitsky Act, enacted with an intention of punishing those persons guilty of human rights violations as well as those directly involved in this behavior, is mentioned. And it outlines how the application of the law increased to cover more than one country and how the law served the role of enshrinement principle of accountability and deterring future abuses, in addition to strengthening the assistance to activists and human rights organizations since it also helped to bring the violations to light and to increase global cooperation to enforce accountability for infringements that happened. The study addresses the economy of sanctioned economy and its impact in its analysis on its affected countries (e.g. economic recession, increased unemployment numbers, inflation rate, economy recession and local currency devaluation, increased poverty rates and inequality).
It found that sanctions like the Magnitsky Act are an important part of U.S. foreign policy today, acting as a new "sheriff" of tools to stop human rights violations. These kinds of sanctions can help the US achieve some of its policy goals in some cases eg, Libya and South Africa, they can also make diplomatic issues worse and raise tensions such as in Cuba and Iran. The Magnitsky Act has highlighted human rights abuses and established accountability at the international level. Nonetheless, the success of sanctions relies on the international environment, collective implementation, and the political goals of the United States, while also considering their humanitarian impacts.
From an analytical perspective, by targeting sanctions against individuals responsible for human rights violations instead of entire states could strengthens accountability and promotes the integration of human rights into diplomacy. However, its effectiveness depends largely on international coordination and the political interests of major powers