Zanco Journal of Human Sciences

The collapse of the Assad regime was followed by the escalation of Israeli wars with Hamas in Gaza and Hezbollah in Lebanon, and the killing of several leaders of the Iranian-led groups of the "Axis of Resistance." These events have led to the decline of the activities of the groups within this "Axis of Resistance." Eventually, the decline of these groups impacted the Shia militia in Iraq, which is a member of the Iranian-led "Axis of Resistance." Iran has been trying to expand its influence by using its proxies in the region for more than three decades. Iran's actions have led to instability in the region. Iran has been trying to bring together groups that share an anti-Western and anti-Israeli ideology in the Middle East. A number of these groups are in Iraq and have an active role and influence over the Iraqi government. They have been allocated special revenues from the Iraqi federal budget. The collapse of the Assad regime and the curbing of Iranian influence in the region have forced the Iraqi government, under external pressure, especially from the United States and Israel, to reduce its support for these groups and work to dismantle them. In this study, we have attempted to determine the future of Iranian-backed Shia militia groups in Iraq. If Iraq does not comply with the demands of the United States and Israel to review its policies regarding these groups, it will once again face attack and severe sanctions from the United States and Western countries. Iraq must seek to protect its interests and survive, and choose between the interests of Iran and the United States. Ultimately, the United States has invested significant amounts of money and lives in the establishment of the Iraqi government after the fall of Saddam's regime and will never allow any parties in Iraq to threaten its interests and allies.

There are writers in the political literature who support the idea that nationalism and political development are mutually beneficial, but there are also those who argue otherwise. In both situations, these two ideas are combined since nationalism needs to transcend beyond the process of creating states, building nations and institutions in order to accomplish political development. The idea of political development with reference to the Kurdistan Region in this study concentrated on the institutional dimension of nationalism and development. Since the creation of an autonomous administrative institution was one of the tenets of Kurdish nationalism, it was represented in the permanent Iraqi constitution of 2005 as well as in all agreements between the Baghdad government and the Kurdish liberation movement. Because there was a discourse in the Kurdistan region both before and during the referendum suggesting that political institutions should be established and institutionalized prior to the foundation of the state, it is crucial that this study concentrate on institutions.

Electoral systems have a great impact on the position of Kurdistan political parties in the elected councils (the Iraqi Council of Representatives, the Kurdistan Parliament, and the Provincial Councils). These systems are considered the backbone of any election; therefore, proposing and approving them within the framework of electoral laws is a very sensitive, precise, and important task.
The existence of each of these systems in a country differs from another, depending on its historical, political or social milieu. In developed countries, these systems are stabilized to a great extent, and each of them and it partners in the electoral process have become accustomed to it and have been connected to each other. While in countries that are in a transitional phase, such electoral systems are instable and are under constant changes, where such changes lead to the instability of results of the election processes, and the other way round. In the Post-Saddam era since 2003, Iraq has in the last twenty years adopted six electoral systems, including amended systems. Those changes and amendments of the electoral systems have impacted negatively on the position of Kurdistan political parties among the Iraqi Arab Political Parties in subsequent elections, especially in the Iraqi Council of Representatives (CoR). Such impact is similarly felt in the Kurdistan Parliament, but to a lesser degree for two reasons: fewer changes have been made to the electoral systems in Kurdistan Region of Iraq-KRI, and secondly, the tolerance of the Kurdistan political parties towards (ethnic and religious) coexistence and diversity (Pluralism).

Carl Schmitt, as a political and legal theorist, contends the political sphere, as the distinguishing line between friend and enemy, antecedes the state. This emanates from and confers autonomy upon the latent realms of the economic, the social, the moral, and the aesthetic spheres. He maintains that the modern state, despite its proclaimed rationalization, secularization, and the excision of the sacred from power, has ontologically not extricated itself from the hegemony of Catholic theology and its genealogical origins recede to religious monotheism.
The postulation for the state's unconditional sovereign authority is predicated upon a metaphysical substratum to legitimize its ontic existence, which eschews reliance upon an objective fundament but is inextricably tethered to the transmuted central locus where the historical juncture coincides with collective cognition. and the state can abrogate its justificatory mechanisms and bestow legitimization upon itself and legitimization upon its edicts.
According to Schmitt's theoretical framework, the unilateral determination of the sovereign in a state of exception constitutes the quintessence of politics, which is devoid of normative and moral dimensions, and the state is the exclusive entity that delineates the enemy. This becomes the epistemic foundation of this thinker's critique of liberalism and the representative apparatus, which, instead of decisional action, elevates compromise and perpetual dialogue to the essence of politics and engenders depoliticization through economistic reduction.
Furthermore, contemporary manifestations of re-theologization in prevailing politics and the phenomenon of depoliticization manifest themselves in pivotal conceptualizations of the modern state, which comprise: First, electoralism as the vacuous simulacrum of democracy and the resurgence of divine will and suffrage commodification, and the evacuation of democracy of its substantive core, which is demos and the commonweal. This signifies apathy in the political sphere and the flourishing of the far-right marketplace for fragmenting identity and populace. Second, the universalist discourse of human rights, which is a juridical construct divested of politics and the state, which has become the rhetoric of the abstracted human in lieu of good and evil. Third, demonstrative praxis, which has transmogrified from an efficacious act influencing determinations into a ritual of conscience pacification and an apotheosized theology.

Rousseau, as one of the most influential and pioneering philosophers of the Enlightenment and social contract theory, sought to establish the foundations for creating an equal and strong state. Rousseau's social contract is one side of the coin; its other side is the concept of education as described in Emile. The former represents the political aspect of the state, while the latter represents its educational dimension. For a strong social contract to exist, good education is essential. The process of transforming the individual into a citizen forms the cornerstone of a strong state. That is, the individual's commitment to the general will and becoming a patriotic and moral citizen leads to the strength of the state and the social contract. Citizens' adherence to the general will does not imply unanimous agreement [the will of all]; rather, it signifies the relinquishing of individual desires, allowing the general will to emerge. All of these are the results of good education, whose foundations Rousseau lays out in Emile. Furthermore, the basis for the emergence of freedom is tied to the general will, because Rousseau believes that adherence to mere personal desires constitutes slavery, whereas adherence to the general will is freedom. In this research, based on an analytical method, we seek to answer the question: How can the process of transforming the individual into a citizen are achieved? This study relies on the theory of the social contract and, in collecting data and information, draws upon Rousseau's original manuscripts, relevant scientific journals, and scholarly works by researchers in the field of social contract theory.

The interplay between political culture and political institutions is an important topic in political science. With regard to Iraq, the failure to develop a liberal democratic political culture, the continued dominance of traditional cultural heritage and traditional social structures in the consciousness and behavior of politicians both inside and outside official institutions, and the consequent reflection of a culture of subservience and adherence to sectarian and ethnic fanaticism in the exercise of power, threaten to derail the democratic transition process and hinder the efficient performance of official political institutions. This is in addition to the impact of the lack of harmony between religious thought and liberal democratic thought and practice. Thus, the study aims to uncover the interconnected and interacting traditional structures that threaten the effectiveness of the political system and lead to the weak performance of its institutions. Among the most important of these structures is traditional political culture. Accordingly, the study was divided into two sections. The first section deals with the theoretical framework of the study, while the second section focuses on the most important pillars and values of the prevailing Iraqi political culture, and the extent of their reflection on the performance of the House of Representatives. The study concluded with a number of conclusions, among the most important of which is that the House of Representatives is among the institutions most influential in social structures and traditional political culture, because the social and cultural dimension of elections is reflected in the composition and performance of the House of Representatives.

The disarmament of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) represents a significant milestone in Turkey's national security strategy. This study explores the intricate process of dismantling the PKK, situating the issue within historical, political, and regional security contexts. Through qualitative analysis, it evaluates the strategic advantages and potential risks related to the PKK's disarmament, while also considering the threats posed by PKK fragmentation, persistent regional instability, and nationalist responses within Turkish politics. The study draws on examples of demilitarization processes and identifies essential prerequisites for their successful implementation, including institutional reforms, political agreements, and mechanisms for societal integration. Even though disarmament might lower immediate dangers, Turkey must reevaluate its internal security approach and address the complicated relations in the region with Syria and Iraq. The study ends with practical policy suggestions for Turkish policymakers and stresses the importance of establishing a formal framework for disarmament, liberalization, reintegration, inclusive political dialogue, and international oversight. Ultimately, disarming the PKK should be regarded not as a final goal, but as a crucial step toward achieving long-term strategic peace and stability in Turkey.

Smart robots are among the most important and prominent applications of the Fourth Industrial Revolution, now known as the "digital revolution and artificial intelligence." This revolution aims to simulate human behavior by equipping these robots with complex software, enabling them to learn, develop, and acquire experience, and to make decisions independently without direct human intervention. Furthermore, they possess the ability to adapt and deal with the situations they encounter, as well as the ability to devise appropriate solutions and respond to the changes they encounter with high efficiency. This research aims to analyze the legal personality of smart robots and the extent to which they enjoy legal personality based on their inherent capabilities and the work they perform. It also highlights the legal implications of smart robots' legal personality and the possibility of holding them civilly liable for damages resulting from their actions. This raises numerous legal issues and obstacles regarding the tasks performed by "smart robots" and the relationships they create with other people. One of the most prominent of these issues is the legal nature of smart robots, the extent to which they are recognized as legal persons, and, consequently, the extent to which they can be held accountable for the consequences of their actions. We conclude that the traditional concept of legal personality does not capture the unique characteristics and advanced basic features of smart robots, and that smart robots cannot be considered to have a natural or legal personality.

Human rights now include respect for minorities and the presence of a democratic system for all countries. This study aims to demonstrate how sovereignty and the right to self-determination, two concepts that apply on a global scale, under international law, and in the framework of global peace and security, complement and balance one another. After analyzing the connection between sovereignty and the right to self-determination, this paper addresses the Kurdistan Region's conflicts with Iraq in light of this topic, concluding that the issues between the Kurdistan Region and Baghdad It essentially involves altering the notions of state sovereignty and the right to self-determination in the context of international law, as well as international peace and security. The study's conclusion is that, in the age of globalization, the Kurdistan Region can use international rulings, documents, laws, and agreements as well as the framework of federalism and consensual democracy to try to curtail Iraq's sovereignty.

The suspension of US foreign aid under Executive Order 14169 has exposed the precarious financial dependence of Iraqi non-governmental organizations (NGOs) on foreign, particularly US funding, threatening their ability to deliver critical humanitarian and development services, let alone their own sustainability. This study examines the operational and financial challenges facing Iraqi NGOs in the wake of abrupt US funding suspension, drawing on mixed-method research, including surveys of 13 Iraqi national NGOs and interviews with their program leaders. Findings reveal that over 50% of Iraqi NGOs relied on US funding for their core operations, with many reporting severe disruptions, including project suspensions, staff layoffs, and reduced beneficiary reach, following the US aid suspension. The issue has further disproportionately impacted vulnerable groups, particularly women, children, and displaced populations, who depend on NGO-led protection and assistance, and healthcare, education, and legal services. Nonetheless, although the situation is underdeveloped and the opportunities are limited, the Iraqi national NGOs are at the stage of exploring other possibilities to survive and hopefully thrive again through diversifying the donor/funder source to ensure strategic sustainability. By analyzing lessons from the current funding crisis and the strategies developed as a way forward towards a more sustainable future for NGOs, the research contributes to broader debates on NGO resilience and sustainability and offers recommendations to support the long-term viability of Iraqi NGOs in an increasingly uncertain aid landscape.

This paper, entitled “The Impact of Environmental Factors on National Security: Post-2003 Iraq as a Case Study,” deals with how, after 2003, environmental problems play a crucial role as non-traditional threats to Iraq's national security. The study's key goal is to evaluate how Iraq's social, economic, and public health sectors, along with national unity and stability, have been influenced by environmental factors like pollution, water scarcity, land degradation, climate change, and poor environmental governance. Further, the study employs a qualitative method and utilizes scholarly literature, official documents, and secondary sources. The Copenhagen School of securitization, by Barry Buzan, Ole Waever, and Jaap de Wilde (1998), is employed for analyzing the collected data. That is, it is used to clarify how environmental factors might be viewed as security risks that demand instant institutional and political responses. It is concluded that the environmental deprivation has amplified social strains and destabilized national cohesion by placing important expenditures on Iraq, taxing rare resources, postponing the retrieval of efforts, and depressing people's way of life. Thus, Iraq’s security weaknesses become worse by disregarding environmental elements. Hence, it sheds light on how vital it is to integrate environmental factors into national security planning and policies to obtain long-term security and sustainable stability in Iraq.

The relationship between the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) and Gulf countries began after the fall of Saddam Hussein's regime in 2003. With Saddam's demise, Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries grew apprehensive about Iraq's future, shaping their interactions with the KRG based on Iraq's significance and role in their political and security calculations. The post-2005 era witnessed heightened regional tensions, driven by an unfavorable balance of power for the GCC, governance and security challenges in Iraq, and the predominant influence of Shi'a groups over Iraqi state institutions.
The Gulf countries' engagement with the KRI in Iraq can be delineated by two principal objectives of GCC foreign policy in Iraq. Firstly, Saudi Arabia sought to assert a substantial role in regional politics, particularly in post-2005 Iraq, in response to the escalating influence of Iran and Turkey in the region. Secondly, Saudi Arabia aimed to counterbalance Shi'a dominance within the Iraqi state by fostering equilibrium among Iraq's major factions. While the Sunni population exhibited weakness and division, the Kurds significantly influenced the country's political trajectory, especially from 2005 to 2017.
I will argue that the Iran’s growing presence in Iraq has emerged as the most significant factor of GCC-KRI relations. Consequently, Gulf states, especially Saudi Arabia, have sought to engage with the Kurds to exert pressure on both the Shia government and Iranian dominance. The GCC ties with KRI are intricately linked to the post-2005 policies of Iraq's political elite towards the Gulf countries. The GCC's engagement with the KRI primarily occurs during pivotal political developments and crises in Iraq, aiming to leverage Kurdish influence in Baghdad and assert a role in Iraq's domestic politics.