Tikrit Journal for Political Science

The United States has its own policy towards Syria and the developments and events that directly affect its interests in the Middle East, and has been keen to invest what is happening in Syria to achieve these interests, or at the very least to ensure that its repercussions do not affect its vital interests and its allies in Syria itself. However, this policy has not been the same because of the continuation of the conflict in the Syrian arena since March 2011, which coincided with the reigns of the Democratic administrations of Barack Obama and Donald Trump Republican and thus different trends in US policies internally and externally. Mrakih of the importance and influence the course of events and the conflict in Syria and its future and its impact on the regional and international oceans, will follow the nature of this policy and its transformations between the administrations of Barack Obama and Donald Trump and the determinants that have affected them.

This study deals with a situation changes taking place in the Middle East region as a result of competition and conflict between the projects and visions of the major powers towards the region as a reflection of the process of disintegration of the Arab regional system and its pillars after the US occupation of Iraq in 2003. The study focuses on the risks resulting from the widening role of the peripheral forces and the growing differences between the regional powers after the US occupation of Iraq. The study attempts to identify the evolution of the domestic political situation of countries and how the decision-makers are preoccupied with internal matters at the expense of regional issues. However, the study revealed that the regional power has benefited from the regional transformations witnessed in the region and expanded its influence and regional role. On the local scene because of the manifestations of the separatist movement in light of the desire of the Kurds to declare separation from Iraq reflects the growing and growing indicators of the potential internal political conflict as a result of serious challenges

Turkey sought with the arrival of the Islamic-oriented Justice and Development Party (AKP) in 2002 to adopt an effective foreign policy based on several principles: the right balance between freedom and security, the problems with neighboring countries, the influence on the internal and external regions of neighboring countries, Multidimensional, and harmonious diplomacy. Turkey has emerged as a regional power and a pivotal player in its regional environment and has sought to develop bilateral relations with countries in the Middle East, including the Middle East, The GCC, which has become one of the important dialogue circles in Turkey's foreign policy. The aim of the research is to review the principles of the new Turkish foreign policy in the era of the AKP government first, and then to explain the motives for the development of Turkey's relations with the GCC countries and their obstacles. Secondly, the analysis of the economic indicators that give a more accurate picture of the course of Turkish- "Finally," the future of the Turkish-Gulf relations in the light of the geopolitical realities and the developments of the internal and external environment (regional and international).

The article had been tackled the current international community which suffered from the chaos of conflicts and wars that have resulted from successive crises ; because of the hard circumstances which seemed noticeable in the Middle East and elsewhere .So that we couldn’t see any development in the re- production of effective means and guarantors for the security and stability of the dynamics of the supra-regional interactions which were moving by the divergences of interests and its contradictions and disparities alike ; but sometimes we found many kinds of conflicts and wars that were administered by proxy. And from another hand, we witnessed another patterns of international and direct regional intervention , So the last form of wars , as such as we found a prevalent interpolation inside the Syrian war, the Yemeni war, and the Libyan war and so on .The article had researched about the fears and warnings of supra regional great-powers (Russia, China, etc.) to limit the ineffectiveness and effectiveness of international variables on the level of international politics for controlling over the stability of the Middle East consequently. Especially after the events as known as the Arab spring revolutions since 2011, owing to the spread of a new phase of intense rivalries that confirmed the oscillating probabilities between the conflict and cooperation alike .All of these developments led to the loss of opportunities for cooperation in the final outcome due to the delay in settling these types of conflicts and wars as result of the imbalance within the form of alliances between the powerful actors (the powers of the emerging regional and the international actors alike), which seek to secure its influence even at the expense of the stability in Middle east (The reality of political settlements that came from outside the frontiers). Furthermore , The strategic orientations remain aligned in a parallel with the political alliances (the Iranian-Turkish regional role supported by Russia) to be done in front of the regional role of the Arab Gulf states that supported by the United States of America .Finally , the frameworks of the cooperation and conflict began to discuss broadly for the future of the Middle East, where the interests of the superpowers were intertwined with the interests of the supra regional powers, without making any significant progress towards solving the recent problems and pending crises that threaten the security of the region as thoroughly . And for dealing with the most dangerous issues and matters of the whole region , as such as the Palestinian-Israeli conflict and how to rebuild the peace within societies in the post wars period that erupted ultimately in the middle east region.

The researchers focused on armed conflicts, humanitarian disasters and poverty when they looked at areas such as the largely interconnected Horn of Africa and East Africa, ignoring the strategic importance of these areas in regional and international security.In fact, this region is only geographically, politically, economically and security to compete at all levels and is affected by the dynamics of conflict and international and regional cooperation and its external variables.Since the major discoveries of energy sources in the Middle East and the increasing importance of sea lanes, the region has become increasingly important in international and regional strategies.The importance of the Middle East region as part of the strategies of the international and regional powers has become at the heart of the foreign political goals of these forces, which not only strengthened their influence in the Middle East, but also extended their plans to neighboring regions in order to ensure their survival within the framework of competition in the Middle East or to protect their vital interests.Among the most interconnected areas of the Horn of Africa - East Africa is the Middle East and Arab countries close to them in particular, including Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Yemen and Sudan.There is no doubt that the objectives of the international and regional forces competing in this region have serious repercussions on the Arab regional security, especially in the Red Sea and the corridors related to it and from this race and international and regional scramble to get a real basis for the exercise of roles in this region and the extent of reflection on the overall security in the region Middle East stems from the importance of the subject.

It is well known that the study of foreign policy of any country in the world is undoubtedly one of the important topics in the international political affairs and the reason for this is that the state and at the level of domestic policy is a reflection of its foreign policy in light of a complex international environment. As Iraq has undergone several chronic and chronic crises, it must have an ambitious and efficient foreign policy towards the international and regional environment in particular as it directly influences it. In this study, we will focus on one of Iraq's regional crises with neighboring countries, namely, Kuwait's foreign policy towards Iraq. Countries and countries, according to international dealing standards and influential international effectiveness, are no longer measured by their geopolitical, demographic or military size, but by their political effectiveness and political weight based on how these are adapted. Relations between the Gulf and the Gulf region, as Iraq has gone through several crises and Kuwait was one of them, it must be a prospective study describing the nature of the relationship that may take several possibilities or future scenes and h Insulting the nature of international and regional changes that are characterized by tension and attraction from time to time.The reason for choosing the future of Kuwaiti-Iraqi relations comes from the nature of the State of Kuwait itself. It is not a state of institutions that meet all the specifications of a democratic state according to the Western liberal vision. It is a hereditary state based on the transfer of power by succession. Making the Emir, government institutions and social figures under the title of tribal and religious identities and local leaders as inputs that no decision maker can transcend in understanding the mechanism of making foreign or domestic policy in them. Kuwait has the privileges of staying the status of Kuwait away, even if ostensibly and not involved in regional events and at the same time open regionally, so Kuwait was more inclined to diplomatic means at the level of foreign policy, except in the case of Iraq has tended to create an international and regional environment hostile to Iraq after 1990, which is still Suffers from the effects of that policy to this day.

The Arab region is of great importance as an important part of the Middle East for both international and regional powers.This importance has placed it and its peoples in the suffering of international and regional interventions and has placed it in a state of permanent instability as it witnessed international and regional competition that increased significantly after the US intervention in Iraq in 2003. Accordingly, the research aims to shed light on the strategic directions of the global and regional powers by knowing their objectives separately, such as American, Russian, Turkish, Israeli and Iranian. The course aims at determining the future of this region in terms of political stability and lack thereof. Therefore, the hypothesis of the research comes from [that the different strategic visions and political and economic interests between the international and regional powers have exacerbated the conflicts between those forces and their alliances within the Arab region.. The third deals with the future of the Arab region in light of the conflict of these strategies.Accordingly, the research reached a number of conclusions confirming the continuation of international and regional competition within the Arab region, as well as the continuation of the state of conflict, tension, instability and chaos in the near term, as a result of the inability of Arab countries to overcome their political differences on the one hand and also their inability to advance their Arab reality. In the face of external challenges on the other.

The Russian-American relations have undergone many stages of conflict and competition over cooperation that have left their mark on the international balance of power in the Middle East. The Iraqi and Syrian crises are a detailed development in the Middle East region. The Middle East region has allowed some regional and international conflicts to intensify, with the expansion of the geopolitical circle, which, if applied strategically to the Middle East region, covers the area between Afghanistan and East Asia, From the north to the Maghreb to the west and to the Sudan and the Greater Sahara to the south, its strategic importance will seem clear. It is the main lifeline of the Western world.

Civil society organizations are among the most important non-official institutions independent of state authority. Today, they are a cultural necessity and a social force that has no special goals. It has lofty goals and principles, including the establishment of a culture of dialogue and peaceful coexistence and the consolidation of the values of citizenship and human rights The period following the events of 2003 witnessed the establishment of a large number of these organizations in Iraq because of the political evolution and the accompanying democratic and political parties and the change in the structure and management of the system. These organizations played a large role in Iraq after 2003 to the occupation of a large Iraq, which requires directing the resources of the state for the liberation of Iraqi territory, and the elimination of this organization, as these organizations to play a major role in building peace and the transformation of conflict and prevent the arrival of violence through the creation of an appropriate environment and address the factors and the dynamics of this conflict from In the development of a comprehensive approach, and rehabilitation of Iraqi society, which is suffering from a new type of relations based on suspicion and suspicion, after the foundations of community coexistence in Iraq were hit Peace building and resolution of conflicts, especially the major ones, which often have multiple causes, require great efforts by the State, civil society organizations and individuals, as well as international support, by studying the causes of these conflicts and exploring the root causes of violence and applying methods based on the cooperation of the parties to the conflict In a satisfactory manner, taking into account the cultural and religious diversity of all parties. This is done by providing the appropriate political, economic, social, cultural and security environment to reduce the violence and avoid returning it again by forcing individuals to reconsider their values and perhaps some of their extremist ideas. They have inherited it through their dealings with Qadash during the period of control over their areas, the decline of state authority, and the achievement of human security based on the citizen, to build peace, which is one of the main pillars in rebuilding the country that has been subjected to wars in order to get rid of the effects of conflicts and conflicts. And not to return to the future and ensure the security of the countries of the world.

China\'s foreign policy towards the Syrian issue represent the policy of its ruling party, the Communist Party of China (CPC), which espouses a special vision on foreign policy issues. This research highlights the party\'s status and influence in China\'s foreign policy making and its reflection on the Syrian issue . This policy of not to exceed the use of veto power to impede the draft resolutions against the Syrian political regime, And seeking to develop new ways and tools that may succeed in increasing China\'s intervention in the Syrian issue or retreat from the current level of intervention, This research likely the possibility of increasing Chinese intervention as a result of the increasing interests of China over world, And especially in the Middle East after the adoption of the \"Belt and Road\" initiative by the Chinese political leadership since 2013 .

This study attempts to give a description and analysis derived from the new realism school in the international relations of the visions of the great powers of the geopolitical changes witnessed in the Middle East after 2011 and the corresponding effects at the level of the international system. It also examines the alliances of the major powers in the region and its policies, with a fixed and variable statement to produce a reading that is based on a certain degree of comprehensiveness and objectivity.

Turkish_ Iranian relations form an extension of competition between the two states for decades extending their influence and control over regional neighbors, in addition to their influential roles in international and regional interaction patterns. This indicates their influential return in the district as two regional powers having power factors that enable them to stretch it out, achieve their national interests in the district, and conduct their foreign policies that sometimes intersect or agree which all affect their mutual relations current. This necessarily is reflected on neighboring states and the possibility of affecting Iraqi national security due to active and influencing impact of Turkish_ Irani relations towards Iraq distinguished by favoring the two states interests on account of Iraq’s national interests. Besides, the two states exploit the weakness of Iraq’s circumstances to create huge amount of benefits and in which to enlarge the space of their influence.

The forms and characteristics of the Arab state vary according to the different forms of government represented within the Middle East system, from the monarchies, republics and emirates at the level of the general state, or tyrannies, oligarchies, tribal singles, and nervous individuals at the level of the private state. For this diversity in shapes and differences in characteristics.

All the Iraqi state institutions and civil society organizations should develop a deliberate systematic policy to eliminate terrorism contracted with all parts of the economic, social, civil and political institutions and important question how to eliminate Daash to a terrorist organization hostile and if he country to eliminate the causes of crime and punish criminals and not to justify any type of crime of any kind, because if we stayed in the curriculum of justifying legitimate crime will deepen our continued terrorism, but give it legitimacy formula must also dry up the sources of terrorism media and private channels and newspapers that have abused the Holy Prophet Muhammad (p) and all kinds of any of their source (a sheei or a Sunni or Christians or Sabians) as well as from the religious aspect is not only the media but a meeting there must be cooperation of both parts of the state facilities and most importantly limiting arms possession only state you can not eliminate terrorism and violence, and we see people carrying arms without the name of the state and remains somewhat carefree is sincerity honesty and patriotism the most important motivation for the elimination of violence and terrorism and cooperation between parts of the Iraqi people and not be driven by a regional or global international schemes want to kill nations and kill our bodies of Sunnis, sheei , Christians, Sabean and Yazidi and others.

Corruption in the current stage of the most prominent phenomena that invade the state in all joints, especially vital and strategic; because it became a culture more common than the theories and trends of study and even become a large part of the various social life, economic, political and even cultural and moral, and despite calls from different The need to eliminate corruption and reduce it, but over time rather than weaken and decompose, and ends up increasing strength and immunity, and in this sense, this research includes the definition of corruption and types and causes, and frameworks for study in order to know the weaknesses, Rhea in order to eliminate it and strengths in order to weaken and break through its extensions and perform In order to weaken them, and to break the path of its extensions and to reduce it and eradicate it from its roots.Accordingly, our research, which is characterized by; (corruption as one of the obstacles to political stability in Iraq), was divided into three sections, the first defining the roots of corruption, the second focusing on its causes and forms, and the third dealing with visions and mechanisms to combat corruption in Iraq.

The Turkish Republic ended the twentieth century without any significant role in the Middle East. From the end of World War One until the end of the 20th century, Turkey adopted a foreign policy based on isolation from its Arab region and a role that does not exceed its Western allies in international affairs. The Turkish foreign policy could be described as a policy aimed at achieving the security of great powers in the region. However, when the Justice and Development Party (AKP) came to power in Turkey in 2002, and its attempts to redefine Turkey's role in the area and to formulate a new foreign policy towards its Arab region and to adopt what was known as the "Zero Problems" policy. But Turkey could not abandon the political constraints imposed by its commitments Especially towards the United States of America. The article (From Border Security to National Security: Change in Turkish Foreign Policy towards the Middle East after 2016 - Realistic Perspective-) adopted the Realistic Theory of International Relations as a basis for analyzing the change in Turkish foreign policy towards the Middle East issues after 2016. The article based on the assumption that the failed coup attempt against Turkey on 25 July 2016 has become a pivotal turning point in the political history of the Turkish Republic in general, and especially in Turkey's foreign policy. For the first time in nearly a century Turkey Foreign policy aimed at achieving its national security beyond its geographical borders.

Since 2010 Middle East have many events or what they call "Arab spring events" which it result of overthrow governments and the rise of new political groups, all of this elements was resulting of many international and regional activities and making new regional and international axles, as well as the intersections of the different regional interests, therefore this research will try to study the stability and instability in the region as an independent variable not according to the neorealism or neoliberalism theories, but according to the constructivism theory which it base their assumptions on: "In the international relations the non-physical structures of international interactions are determined by the identities of the players, which in turn determine the interests that determine the behavior of international players." So the research questions are:1-What is the identity policy and haw affect in international relations?2-How the social construct affect in international relations?3-How the elite's identities for the main actors in the Middle East affect in the regional axles?

The broader middle east has great importance in the American politics, it lays out future strategies for several considerations, the most important economic geography and enormous wealth, and to Iraq within that region , the lion 's share in the future roles of the agenda, and had a new pivotal role by virtue of its strategic position , Iraq is an international centre of gravity and attraction for many strategic, geographic, cultural and religious considerations, the history of Iraq 's witness a lot of variables, that were the result of overlap and complexity of regional and international interests . It is an important figure in the domination and influence of international accounts , and who dominates this country, controlled by international means, and navigational passages transmitted through the great powers funds to paint a picture of the future of their economies . The American vision towards Iraq took a new direction, especially after the events of September 11 , 2001 . The US strategic interests in the broader middle east has not changed much in decades , despite it different methods , adopted a policy depending on the circumstances volatile , it did not need direct domination of the region , but it also wanted no one else to do so . The best way to achieve American goals was to follow the policy of balancing political forces by dividing the region into divided states with close security ties and interests with the United States of America . The US strategy toward the middle east is based on the two pillars , the first : making the most realistic decision and approaching the highest American interests , and second : out of constants whose main purpose is to serve US interests regardless of the interests of the countries of the region . Iraq is the key driver of American strategy in the region in times of peace and war , even in times of negotiation with neighboring countries such as Iran , Iraq's future status is still drawing and planning within the scenes of the world political theater

The researcher aimed to identify the most important elements of power for the state of Iraq. As a historically had a country of prestige and influence in its regional, which has made it very important to global and regional powers, in order to achieve their interests in the region.

The relationship between the federal government and the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) was marked by instability and some disruptions during the tenure of Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki. This issue continued into the early years of Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi's government, particularly with the onset of the fight against extremist groups known as ISIS (Islamic State of Iraq and Syria). During this time, a coalition was formed to combat these groups, and attempts were made to resolve issues related to the distribution of financial resources from Iraqi oil sales.

This research will focus on defining the constitutional and legal framework of the relationship between the federal government and the regional government, which is based on the principles of decentralization in the distribution of powers between the center and the region. These powers are outlined in the Iraqi Constitution of 2005, which grants the three branches of government (executive, legislative, and judicial) the freedom to form and operate through a decentralized system. This will be examined in the first chapter titled "The Legal and Constitutional Framework of the Federal and Regional Governments."

The second chapter will address security issues in both central and regional administrations, which became more apparent with the rise and increasing activity of armed groups affiliated with ISIS. This led to differences between the central government and the regional government, one of the outcomes of which was the referendum on secession from the federal government.

The third chapter will attempt to study the effective governance of both the regional and central governments, along with the introduction, conclusion, and recommendations aimed at improving the institutional performance of the federal Iraqi state.