Tikrit Journal for Political Science

In the anarchism that governs the nature and patterns of international relations characterized by instability and uncertainty in light of several changes, as well as the information revolution and the resulting developments and qualitative breakthroughs in the field of scientific and advanced technological knowledge and modern technologies. All of these variables pushed toward the information flow and flow tremendously, so rationality became an indispensable matter for the decision maker as he faces these developments and changes. There must be awareness and rationality in any activity or behavior because it includes choosing the best alternative and making the right decision and selecting the information accurately and mental processing Through a mental system based on objectivity, methodology, and accumulated experience away from idealism and imagination, where irrationality and anarchy are a reflection of the fragility of the decision-maker, his lack of awareness of the subject matter, his irresponsibility, and recklessness that inevitably leads to failure by wasting time and Effort and potential. The topic acquires its importance from a search in the strategies of the frivolous state and its characteristics with the ability to influence the regional, and what it revealed is a turning point in how to adapt from the variables and employ them to their advantage and try to prove their existence. Thus, the problem comes in the form of a question about the possibility of the frivolous state in light of the context of various regional and international events and trends. The answer to this question stems from the main hypothesis that (the aim which the frustrating state seeks to prove is that it finds itself compelled to choose several strategies that start from the nature of its characteristics and the goals that aim at it, which are centered in the circle of its interests in the field of its struggle for the sake of its survival and area of influence).

The close relations between Turkey and Libya are still on the rise, and this was evident through Turkish support at all levels of the internationally recognized government of Al-Sarraj winner. The Memorandum of Understanding signed between Turkey and Libya on 27 / November 2019, in the areas of security and military cooperation and the determination of areas of influence revealed The navy, the extent of the historical close relationship between Ankara and Tripoli, just as the Turkish President Erdogan wanted to deliver a message to the West and other regional parties after the signing of the Memorandum of Understanding, that Turkey has a non-negotiable sovereign right to define the maritime spheres of influence and that this right stems from international law.In light of these tracks, we will shed light on the orientations of Turkish policy towards Libya after the February 2011 revolution, by defining the determinants of those trends and examining the most important obstacles in the march of Turkish policy towards Libya.

National security is considered a complex and renewed concept. As a result of the increasing complexity in the regional and international environment, the concept of "national security" has shifted from its narrow concept - military and political - to a comprehensive and broad field. Iraq and its national security system suffer from two forms of challenges that hinder its progress and require a lot of effort and work to ensure that they are avoided; visible strategic challenges, whose implications and effects can be sought directly in kind, and invisible strategic challenges. These challenges pose a major dilemma for the stable governments. how then to the Iraqi state, with its current and foreseeable circumstances. to face it, especially as the security system that was built according to the immediate requirements in the absence of a comprehensive strategic vision, is now suffering from a large sagging at the level of preparation, leadership and lack of armament. The Applies to the rest of our country. Therefore, formulating any kind of strategy, whether comprehensive or sub in Iraq in order to meet these challenges needs, among other things, to analyze the internal and external environments to identify the strengths and weaknesses in the internal environment of Iraq, and to analyze the opportunities and threats that occur in the regional and international environment. Our country can face and deal with them according to rational planning methods and come up with rational decisions, by taking advantage of strengths and opportunities, and addressing internal weaknesses and external threats.

Islamic fundamentalism is no longer a phenomenon that only Islamic societies knew or belongs to a specific society, but it exceeded the local and international dimensions, and despite the concept's modernity, the emergence of its mechanisms and effects is considered a contemporary intellectual phenomenon that has its internal or international causes or dimensions (political, religious, social, psychological). It was coupled with many radical and extremist concepts after its principles and intellectual sources were adopted from these concepts, despite the fact that some fundamentalist movements differed from each other in terms of goals, generations, discourse and communications. The confusion between fundamentalism and terrorism requires careful distinction between them and also requires and requires multidimensional treatments (intellectually, religiously, politically .......) and by rebuilding religious institutions so that they can carry out their functions or address the critically enlightened processes of transforming concepts and restoring reason and guidance To the administration of public affairs

The existence of Iraq as a political entity at the international level extends to more than 4500 B.C. and there are many countries and civilisations carried on. Before the British presence to the Gulf, Iraq was a part of the Ottoman Empire and Kuwait was a part of Basra Srate. But in 1904, Britain announced protection over Kuwait and combined lands and islands of northern Kuwait as possible to achieve their strategy to control the northern Arabian Gulf. Then, Al-Aqeer conference was held to solve the Borders' problem stills as a disputed between the two parties by the desire of Britain. In 1991, the Iraqi occupation of Kuwait came and then in 1993 the resolutions of the UN Security Council were released especially the 833 resolution which provided demarcation of the border between the two countries contrary to the facts of history and geography. The mistrust between the two countries continued despite to the US occupation of Iraq in 2003 and changing the political system there which Kuwait had a prominent role on. The problems between the two countries also continued when Kuwait imposed the reality by conducting more projects and procedures that leads to take over the Iraqi lands and narrowing on Iraqi seas.

This study is specialized in researching and analyzing the options of the Russian Federation on the issue of change in the international system by focusing on two main options, each of which represents a long-term strategic behavior. The first is the option of the Russian Federation as an amendment force in the international system, and the second is the option of the Russian Federation as a force of a current status in the International system .

The United States' National Security Strategy (NSS) under President Trump represented a significant turning point in dealing with the Middle East region. It focused on enhancing security and strengthening regional alliances, alongside a concerted effort to combat terrorism and extremism from the American perspective. The foreign policy of the United States shifted towards a more targeted and focused strategy on achieving security and political objectives in the region, aligned with the Trump administration's priorities, which linked that strategy to "America First."The Trump administration emphasized the enhancement of regional alliances as part of its strategy in the Middle East. These efforts highlighted a shift towards forming strong alliances with Arab Gulf states to confront common threats, including regional Iranian threats. These relationships saw increased security and military cooperation and information exchange to combat terrorism and maintain regional stability.On the other hand, relations between the United States and Israel witnessed a special strengthening during this period. The American administration took several controversial actions towards Israel, such as relocating the US embassy to Jerusalem and recognizing Israel's sovereignty over the occupied Golan Heights. While these steps led to tensions with Palestinians and some Arab countries, they were also welcomed by the Israeli government and some factions in the US Congress.Regarding conflicts and crises in the region, the United States took specific stances and dealt with them firmly. For example, concerning the Syrian conflict, the administration focused on supporting diplomatic efforts to achieve a political solution with limited interventions, consistent with its broader national security strategy. Additionally, it took actions to combat the Islamic State (ISIS) in Syria and Iraq in cooperation with local partners.Overall, American relations during the Trump era saw significant shifts in dealing with the Middle East region. These shifts focused on enhancing regional alliances, confronting common security threats, and achieving stability and peace in the region. Despite some disagreements and tensions, the United States continued to strengthen its role as a key player in Middle Eastern affairs during the Trump administration.

In our research this decree (the future of Indian-American relations, motives and determinants) we show the importance of international relations between the two countries as a vital relationship of increasing importance at the present time, India is one of the emerging countries that will have a great position in the international political pyramid in the next stage, as relations have witnessed The list between them has enjoyed great prosperity since the early nineties, especially after India opened its economy to the outside world, and the American administration succeeded in investing elements of its political, economic and military strength in the field of its international relations, so I made use of these ingredients, especially with the assumption of the position of the only superpower in the international arena in all its relations with Countries of the world in a way that serves their interests and strategic goals in a way that ensures their survival over other international powers .And the existing relationship between the two countries acquires great importance, according to the group of great interests maintained by both the Indian and American parties, as both countries have a set of goals and benefits that accrue to each of them with benefits, especially if we realize that the size of the economic relationship between them is in continuous development and that India It is one of the emerging international powers that aspire to play a broad global role in light of the stage in which the United States of America sided at the top of the international political pyramid .

International balances, especially the geostrategic balances the United States and China, are among the most important regional and international balances of the new international order, specifically the Asia-Pacific region. In addition to the importance of the strategic environment over which the two countries compete, if the South China Sea occupies a geostrategic position as a result of the political, economic and military security capabilities that it enjoys, then China regards it as a part of its territory and is subject to its regional sovereignty. The Asia_ Pacific region, and preventing the United States from competing with it and controlling it as a vital economic, commercial and military field, is security for it.