Magazine of historical studies and archaeology

After relations between Russia and Iran deteriorated following Iran’s refusal to implement the terms of the Treaty of Gulistan in 1813, “Treaty of Peace and Friendship between Russia and Iran,” and the Russian forces’ imposition of their control over the city of Kokja in 1825, the Iranian forces responded with a surprise attack on the Armenian city of Yerevan, The war between the two sides officially began on July 16, 1826. In the middle of 1827, Abbas Mirza, the Crown Prince and commander of the Iranian army, became convinced of the need to end the war and began negotiations with the Russians. However, his attempts failed due to the intransigence of the Russian position.

The successive fall of Iranian cities and the fact that the capital Tehran was under threat led Abbas Mirza to request a truce with the Russians through British mediation, which ended with the signing of the Treaty of Turkmenchay on February 22, 1828, which replaced the Treaty of Gulistan, This caused Iran external and internal problems, represented by the independence of the tribal chiefs and those resentful of the rule, who seized power away from the Shah's government and the Qajar authority. Despite Abbas Mirza's ability in 1831 to eliminate those seditions, quell the unrest, and impose his control over most of the cities within two years, However, it caused a great waste of the state’s resources. After the death of Abbas Mirza on October 21, 1833, the struggle for power passed to his sons and rival brothers, especially the eldest brother, Mohammad Ali Mirza Dolatshah, which negatively affected the cohesion of the internal front and weakened its position towards the external danger surrounding it, especially the constant Russian threat to occupy its lands.

Jews are a major component of the Iraqi people. Most were born, lived, and are buried in Iraq, so it was natural for them to integrate into Iraqi life on all levels—political, economic, social, and even cultural.

On the political level, they had a clear influence in associations, clubs, and political parties, especially transnational leftist parties like the clandestine Iraqi Communist Party. This party possessed considerable power and influence in Iraqi society, which afforded Jews greater security, stability, and protection from the attacks they faced periodically, particularly after the events of May 1941.

However, the influence of Jews in political life gradually disappeared after they were stripped of their Iraqi citizenship in 1950 and forced to emigrate from Iraq.

This study examines the compound simile and its imagistic function in modern Arabic poetry as an artistic technique that goes beyond the traditional, partial comparison typical of classical simile. It proceeds from the assumption that the compound simile operates by likening one whole configuration to another, or one scene to another, thereby shifting poetic discourse from plain statement to vivid visualization and suggestion, and becoming an organic component of the poem’s aesthetic and semantic structure. The study outlines the concept of simile, its pillars and purposes, then distinguishes its major types (sensory vs. intellectual; simple vs. compound), highlighting the specificity of the compound simile in that the point of resemblance is inferred from the network of relations within the image rather than stated explicitly. Methodologically, the research adopts a descriptive-analytical approach and applies the theoretical framework to selected examples from Mahmoud Darwish and Badr Shakir al-Sayyab. The analysis shows that compound simile contributes to scene-building in a manner akin to cinematic sequencing, intensifies meaning, and generates psychological and aesthetic effects that expand interpretive horizons, making imagery a mechanism for producing meaning and shaping poetic vision. Findings also indicate a shift from ornamentation to structural formation, linking personal experience with collective and existential contexts, and the study recommends broader corpora, semiotic and phenomenological integration, and pedagogical inclusion.

The research paper deals with pages of the internal developments in the United States of America during the reign of the U.S. President Rutherford B. Hayes (1877-1881), as the country witnessed profound significant political, economic, and social internal developments.

The paper has focused on two sections, the first one has displayed the Curriculum vitae (C.V.) of the U.S. President Hayes in addition to the tracking of the process of the U.S. elections that occurred in 1876 which witnessed a fighting escalation of between the Democratic and Republic parties which resulted of the Republican control on the Capitol while the Democratic members control the Parliament.

The second section exhibits the most prominent economic, and social internal developments in the country during the reign of the U.S. President Hayes such as the big disturbances carried out by the railways' workers in most of the American States, while the economy of the country had witnessed improvement such as the establishment of the Telephone and Telegraph Company and the development of the electric industries and these developments has a profound influence on the American social life.

Financial and monetary policy is no longer regarded as a domain separate from other state policies. Rather, financial and monetary policies play a vital role in confronting a state’s internal crises. In its expenditures, the government adopts carefully designed financial plans, which are defined as the totality of monetary and non-monetary measures and decisions that influence the monetary system. This also includes the central bank’s control and regulation of interest rates and the money supply in order to achieve political and economic objectives.

As for the financial aspect, it represents the government’s role in imposing direct and indirect taxes and collecting revenues that are spent on public services for individuals, particularly on social capital. Accordingly, this policy refers to the use of public authority over state revenues derived from taxes and public borrowing, as well as state expenditures incorporated within the budget. All of this is directed toward a single common objective: fulfilling the state’s responsibility to achieve various economic goals, foremost among them overall economic stability in all its dimensions.

Women’s rights and their issues are among the important matters in all societies. By tracing history, we find that women have suffered from injustice, oppression, and social and political subjugation. Over time, various types of legislation have emerged with consideration for their rights. Since the issuance of the 2005 Constitution in Iraq, there has been a noticeable development in women’s rights, especially in the political field. This highlights the challenges and opportunities facing the achievement of equality and the strengthening of women’s role in building society and the state. It also examines the extent to which these developments align with international human rights principles and the legal guarantees established by the constitution, represented by equality and non-discrimination, as well as the effectiveness of these provisions practical application

The American Society of International Law was one of the organizations specializing in international law, but it is not a union in the traditional sense. It does not advocate for international law professionals or support them, nor does it defend their rights as is typical of other professional associations such as the American Bar Association or labor unions. Its purpose was clear: to provide the American public with a clear and simple understanding of international law and why states resort to its application through arbitration, which is conducted by international courts. In this research, we tried to investigate the beginnings of the idea of ​​establishing the American Society of International Law, what international circumstances surrounded its establishment, how the appropriate opportunity came about for that establishment, who the personalities who contributed to it were, how many sessions it required, the internal system of the Society, its branch committees, its periodical publication, its first annual meeting, and what topics of discussion were raised in that meeting.

In the aftermath of World War II, nuclear research and experimentation accelerated at an unprecedented pace to facilitate the production and advancement of nuclear arsenals. This surge was a fundamental component of the nuclear arms race and the broader evolution of military technology. The 1970s, however, witnessed a distinct shift toward diplomatic engagement, coinciding with the era of détente and the thawing of Soviet-American relations.

This diplomatic climate culminated in several partial nuclear test ban agreements. Notably, the Threshold Test Ban Treaty (TTBT) was signed in 1974, serving as a pivotal milestone toward a comprehensive ban—a cause consistently championed by the United Nations General Assembly, which repeatedly urged nations to sustain negotiations for a total prohibition. Furthermore, the Soviet Union proposed a draft treaty in 1975 aimed at resolving the obstacles hindering a universal ban.

Building upon these foundations, a further restrictive agreement was reached: the Peaceful Nuclear Explosions Treaty (PNET) of 1976. Designed to complement the 1974 Threshold Treaty, it sought to establish an effective regulatory framework for monitoring and controlling nuclear explosions conducted for non-military purposes.

This study examines the Egyptian role in supporting the Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO) between 1962 and 1970, by analyzing the colonial background of Mozambique and the early stages of national resistance, followed by an exploration of the political, diplomatic, military, and media support provided by Egypt to the Mozambican revolution. The research demonstrates that Egyptian support was part of a comprehensive strategic vision linking Africa’s liberation to Egypt’s national security. This support significantly enhanced FRELIMO’s regional and international legitimacy and strengthened its capacity to sustain armed struggle against Portuguese colonial rule, despite internal challenges and international pressures.

From the outset of its occupation of Norway, Germany sought to control Norwegian economic resources, particularly the state treasury and gold reserves. Anticipating the threat, the Norwegian government implemented a well-organized plan to conceal and evacuate the gold before the German forces entered Oslo, later transferring it to London and the United States. During the occupation, German authorities extensively exploited Norway’s economic resources to finance their military presence and support the German war economy. This included the development of infrastructure, the construction of military fortifications, and the exploitation of mineral resources for war industries. The occupation’s financial burdens were largely imposed on Norwegian banks, leading to inflation and rising living costs. Norway also bore the costs of the German army and provided labor, including prisoners of war, resulting in lasting negative impacts on the Norwegian economy.

This research discusses the Arab-Greek conflict in the administration of the Orthodox Church in Jerusalem during the Ottoman era (1517-1917). Internal conflicts arose between Arab Orthodox and Greeks within the Orthodox Church as a result of political and social changes. Most of the senior positions in the Orthodox Church were held by Greeks, leading to a feeling of marginalization among Arabs. With the rise of nationalism in the 19th century, there was a strong desire among Arabs to strengthen their role within the Church. Consequently, the Orthodox Church witnessed significant conflicts, as Arabs demanded representation on administrative councils. Arab demonstrations against Greek dominance occurred, resulting in violent tensions and clashes. The research reached a number of conclusions, as these conflicts contributed to strengthening national identity and Arab nationalism, which led to the formation of more organized nationalist movements in the region.

Political relations between Iraq and Lebanon from 2003 to 2008 were characterized by calm, mutual respect, and diplomatic, cultural, and economic cooperation. These relations resulted in high-level diplomatic exchanges between the two countries and represented an important aspect of Arab relations, especially as they followed a period of estrangement and the significant event that befell Iraq: the 2003 US-led invasion. Iraq was in dire need of diplomatic cooperation to project a positive image to regional and international powers .

The relationship was marked by cordiality and understanding, stemming from the political and social structures of both countries. Shared interests also contributed to its continuation, including Lebanon's economic need for Iraq, which was struggling with a fragile economy. Iraq, on the other hand, was a wealthy nation but required strong diplomatic ties at the regional and international levels. Furthermore, the relationship was characterized by popular solidarity when either country faced a turning point or external threat, with the people standing together and supporting one another. There were also regular exchanges of delegations at the prime ministerial and economic levels.

Importance: The importance of this study lies in the fact that it addresses the relationship between political authority (the government) and religion (the Orthodox Church) in the Soviet Union, which is considered one of the most significant historical experiences of the twentieth century, where the Soviet government followed a policy of atheism with the purpose of limiting the influence of the Orthodox Church in Soviet society, it also considered the religion as a phenomenon that strongly contradicts Leninist-Marxist ideology. Hence, the researcher deemed it important to shed light on the policies followed by the Soviet government under its various leaders towards the Orthodox Church and the impact of those policies on religious life in the Soviet Union.



Problem: The primary problem of this study is its lack of prior research due to the scarcity of Arabic-language sources. Furthermore, the study raises several questions, most importantly: What was the Soviet government's policy towards the Orthodox Church during the study period? Was this policy consistent or did it change in response to the transformations, events, and changes that characterized the Soviet era?

Hypothesis: The answer lies in the fact that the Soviet government's policy was not consistent but rather went through several phases, fluctuating between repression and severity at times, and containment and manipulation at others, particularly during World War II when the Soviet government was forced to ease its restrictions on the Church in order to bolster national unity.

Methodology: This study is based on a presentation of the most important laws and legislation issued by the Soviet governments of that era concerning the Orthodox Church, as well as their repressive policies aimed at completely eradicating religion within the Soviet Union. Accordingly, the topic is divided into several sections for detailed presentation, beginning with the Lenin and Stalin eras, continuing through World War II, and culminating in the Perestroika period. The study also employs a historical approach to present past events through collection, evaluation, and analysis to clarify the nature of the relationship between the government and the Church, and the political events and turning points the country experienced during that period.

Results: The study reached several conclusions, the most important of which was that the Soviet government, since the beginning of its rule, that is, since the Bolsheviks came to power, adopted a strict hostile policy towards the Orthodox Church, through issuing several official laws and legislation aimed at closing churches and confiscating their religious properties of all kinds. The Soviet government also sought to limit religious activity. However, this policy did not continue during the period of World War II, as it witnessed a relative (somewhat) shift, after the Soviet government allowed the reopening of churches and gave space for religious freedoms in order to strengthen the national spirit. Despite this, the relationship between the church and the state witnessed several attempts by the Soviet authorities to tighten the noose on the church at times and impose censorship at other times, until the Perestroika reforms and political liberalization began, which led to an improvement in the religious situation within the country after the change in the state policy towards the church before the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991.

This article examines the political and economic conditions of German immigrants in the United States during the period (1883 – 1900). It highlights their active participation in political life, their engagement with major political parties, and their role in advocating reform and civil liberties, particularly in response to forced Americanization policies and rising anti-immigrant sentiment. The article also analyzes their economic contributions in agriculture, industry, and skilled trades, emphasizing their ability to achieve social mobility and establish stable communities while preserving cultural and religious identities. The findings demonstrate that German immigrants constituted a significant social and economic force whose influence extended beyond numerical presence to shape key aspects of American society at the end of the nineteenth century.

The study aims to identify the activities and events of the Bani Tamim tribe in Qatar and the Omani coast in the pearl trade before the discovery of oil, and to address its most prominent figures, as it was a source of livelihood during the period (1820-1914 AD) and that profession was of economic importance. Historical sources indicate that the pearl trade constituted an important financial resource for the Bani Tamim individuals in Qatar and the Omani coast, like other tribes, and through it they contributed to revitalizing the economic life in Qatar and the Omani coast and affected the political aspect and the social reality. The sheikhs of Bani Tamim invested the proceeds of this trade, but the development of global events and their acceleration, especially after the outbreak of the First World War in 1914 AD, led to the decline and disappearance of that trade.

This study analyzes the impact of the Iranian Islamic Revolution of 1979 on Iranian- Syrian relations, focusing on political alignment economic cooperation ,and cultural – ideological interaction during the late 1970 and 1980 s .It argues that the revolution constituted a major turning point that reshaped Syria's regional role and contributed to the establishment of along – term strategic alliance between Damascus and Tehran .Adopting ahistorical –analytical approach , the study examines Syrian political positions towards the revolution , the diversity of societal responses within Syria , and the expansion of bilateral relation through oil agreements ,economics support and cultural diplomacy . the findings indicates that Iranian and Syrian relation

extended beyond pragmatics interties to include an ideological dimension that influenced domestics discourse and regional strategies reinforcing Syria's position within the axis opposing Western and Israeli influence .

The research highlights the position of the United States of America on the 1956 coup and its repercussions on the internal situation in Honduras, analyzing the internal reasons that led to the occurrence of the coup and reviewing its course, results and repercussions, as well as assessing its impact on the development of the political system in Honduras.

The importance of the research lies in the fact that it sheds light on a historical era full of international political changes and the growing conflict between the Western and Eastern blocs. No researcher has previously presented an academic study on the Honduran military coup of 1956 and its repercussions on the country in light of the United States' position on security, military and economic changes in Central America and the Caribbean region in general, and Honduras in particular, given its geographical location in the middle of this region. Consequently, any political change in the country is accompanied by chaos and instability that could spread to the countries of Central America, and this exposes the interests of the United States to danger, which contradicts its philosophy of considering the Central America region as a vital area for its national security.

This explains the United States' realistic security, political, and economic approach to the coup, which was demonstrated by its lack of opposition to the coup, its acceptance of the new government, and its cooperation with it as long as it maintained stability and protected American interests, The main objective of the research is to give the reader a complete picture of the position of the United States of America and its role in managing the internal crisis in Honduras in line with its interests and reflecting the extent of its influence, relying on a large set of official documents issued by the US State Department as far as the period under study is concerned, using the descriptive, analytical and historical method to understand the reality and give a complete picture of the historical event.

This study sheds light on the coup that took place in Morocco in 1971, historically known as the Skhirat coup, named after the Skhirat royal palace where the events occurred. It was planned by General Mohamed Medbouh and General M'hamed Ababou, who were killed and their movement failed. However, it revealed a reality, as dozens of those whose names appeared during the investigations were imprisoned and executed. They were executed in Moulay Ismail prison, near Rabat, thus closing a dark chapter in the history of modern and contemporary Morocco. Moreover, the study demonstrated the depth of fraternal relations between Morocco and the Arab countries that condemned and denounced the coup, considering it an illegitimate aggression against the sovereignty and dignity of Morocco, its king, and its people, despite the opposition of some countries that saw the coup as a legitimate pretext to get rid of the monarchy in Morocco.

The monarchy in Portugal was characterized by absolute power, lacking popular representation until Portuguese revolutionaries succeeded in terminating it. This transition began with the assassination of King Carlos I (1889–1908) and culminated in the final overthrow of the monarchy in 1910, marking the proclamation of the First Portuguese Republic. Although the Republic aimed to establish a parliamentary system and conduct elections, the persecution of the Catholic clergy and church supporters created a deep schism within Portuguese society and even among national republican parties. This generated a state of political turmoil that prompted military officers to declare military rule in 1915. Consequently, Portugal entered a phase of political instability, shifting from a democratic path toward a dictatorship, which eventually led to the military coup of 1974.





Objectives Of the Study

The study aims to shed light on the internal political events in Portugal during the Republican era. It examines the conflicts between various Portuguese political factions that led to numerous disturbances and demonstrations during the period under study.

Significance of the Study

The importance of this study lies in understanding the conditions in Portugal during the First Republic and the ensuing unrest. These events encouraged the emergence of political parties as active elements in the country and fueled the political discord between military and civilian sectors, directly impacting Portugal's internal stability.

Study questions

The study is addressed through the following sections:

Section I: Portugal from Republic to Dictatorship (1910–1933).

-Section II: The "Estado Novo" (New State) and the Occurrence of the Coup (1933–1974).

Study Hypothesis

The study operates on the hypothesis that the monarchical system in Portugal contributed to the deterioration of internal conditions, which subsequently reflected negatively on the state of affairs and facilitated the military coup.

Study topics

The study's main themes are as follows:

Section 1: Portugal from Republic to Dictatorship (1910-1933)

Section 2: The New State and the Coup (1933-1974).

Study Methodology

The study adopts the historical-descriptive methodology, relying on foreign primary and secondary sources to identify the root causes of Portugal's internal conditions and their impact on the eruption of the military coup.

Study Problem

The research problem is defined by the period following the fall of the monarchy in 1910, seeking to understand the reasons for its collapse and the challenges faced by the subsequent regime. It further investigates the 1974 military coup, marking the military institution's takeover of national governance amidst deteriorating conditions and escalating domestic crises

This study examines a significant period in modern Iraqi history spanning the years (1936–1939), a phase marked by notable political, economic, and social fluctuations that were reflected in the nature of journalistic discourse at the time. Within this context, the research highlights the stance of the Iraqi press toward these transformations through a case study of Al-Karkh newspaper, which was known for its critical approach to unfolding events.

The importance of this study lies in its attempt to uncover the orientations of newspapers published during that period and to analyze patterns of their engagement with contemporary issues, particularly in terms of their proximity to political authority or their adoption of critical positions toward shortcomings and challenges. It also emphasizes the role of the press in presenting perspectives and proposing solutions. The research is primarily based on a systematic examination of Al-Karkh newspaper issues published between 1936 and 1939 as the main source for analysis and interpretation.

In line with the nature of historical research, the study is structured into an introduction, four main sections, and a conclusion. The first section introduces Al-Karkh newspaper and the circumstances surrounding its establishment. The second section examines its stance toward the political conditions in Iraq. The third addresses its treatment of economic issues, while the fourth analyzes its position on social conditions. The study concludes with a summary of the main findings concerning the newspaper’s performance and intellectual orientations during the period

Revolutionary movements began in Russia in the first quarter of the nineteenth century, and they were all moving towards one goal, which was to change the system of government, to carry out the necessary reforms for the country, and to advance it to serve the rest of the people without exception, and the Decembrist Revolution is a good example of this, as it is It helped bring about a comprehensive change in the ideas of the people who were subject to the power of slavery for many centuries, broadened their horizons and made them look to the future with a vision full of development and change.

The research was divided into several axes, including: The first axis dealt with Russia under the rule of Alexander the First and how he managed to reach power after his participation in the killing of his father, Tsar Powell I, and what policy he used to rule Russia, while the other axis included the definition of the Decembrists, how they came and how they were affected. And how they were able to form a small circle that quickly developed into a revolutionary movement aimed at change. As for the other axis, it dealt with the reasons that paved the way for the rise of the Decembrist movement, and the most important ideas and prayers that came in its program, and then the movement and its suppression by Tsar Nicholas I, using methods of force and violence, and the actions of arrest and exile, specifically to Siberia, and then touched upon The church’s position on the Decembrists’s movements and whether they were in favor or against them

The contemporary Turkish secularism did not completely forget its society’s Islamic roots. Despite the attempts by Atatürk and his followers to erase Turkey’s Islamic identity, these efforts failed. New movements quickly emerged demanding adherence to Islam. This is where the importance of this study lies, as the Welfare Party, the focus of our research, did not rise to power without the arduous struggle faced by Islamic parties against secular political forces since the 1970s.

The reason I chose this topic is my curiosity and desire to learn more about the details of the greatest Islamic party in contemporary Turkey, the Welfare Party: how it reached power, what its political goals were, and whether it fulfilled the ambitions of its supporters. The researcher attempted to address these and other questions in the drafts of this study.

The research includes an introduction, a preamble, four chapters, and a conclusion. The preamble provides a general overview of the contemporary Islamic movement in Turkey and its early party foundations. The Islamic influence was reduced by Atatürk, to the extent that the law confirming Turkey as an Islamic state was repealed. Despite this, Islamic activity continued in secret. After World War II, Turkey entered the multi-party phase, which increased Islamic political activity. Following the 1971 coup, the stage was set for Islamic parties to form, such as the National Order Party and later the National Salvation Party, which ultimately led to the establishment of the Welfare Party (the subject of this research.

The first chapter studies the political program of the Welfare Party, which it used in its electoral battles with other parties. Among the key points of this program was the economic system, known as the “just system,” which followed a middle path between communism and capitalism. The second chapter discusses the Welfare Party’s rise to power and its role therein. The circumstances in Turkey at that time helped the party ascend to power in 1996, after it secured a high percentage of votes and formed an alliance with the Virtue Party. However, the party was later accused of conspiring against the secular system, which led to its dissolution.

The third chapter examines the outcomes of the party’s governance. Among the most notable were the increase in public employees’ salaries and attempts to improve Turkey’s economic situation. The party also offered partial solutions to the Kurdish issue through cooperation with neighboring countries, and succeeded in addressing problems in Turkish prisons, alleviating the injustice faced by prisoners. The final chapter explores criticisms directed at the party, including its contradictory positions before and after coming to power. For example, the party changed its stance toward Israel and the European Union, becoming closer to them, while paradoxically suppressing the military faction that adopted Islamic ideology.

Robert Lansing, an advisor to the US State Department, emerged as a prominent figure during a critical historical period coinciding with the outbreak of World War I and the subsequent preparations for redrawing the map of the postwar world. Lansing was a brilliant legal mind and a highly professional civil servant whose abilities often exceeded the scope of his official role as an advisor to the State Department. Consequently, he was close to President Woodrow Wilson. Lansing sought to formulate the legal framework for American neutrality, striving to maintain a fundamental pillar of the neutrality strategy, even while concealing his sympathies for the Entente Powers. This was revealed by the circumstances of the war, creating a rift between him and Secretary of State Brian. American neutrality policy underwent dangerous turning points, particularly with Germany's adoption of submarine warfare, which exacerbated existing disagreements within the State Department. These disagreements culminated in Brian's resignation and President Woodrow Wilson's selection of Robert Lansing as Secretary of State, given his close relationship with him and his deep understanding of the intricacies of American foreign policy .

This study examines the policy of the United States toward Indigenous Peoples during the presidency of John Adams (1797–1800) by analyzing three interconnected dimensions: the president’s political stance, the treaties concluded with several tribes, and the congressional legislation that regulated borders, trade, and federal authority. The study argues that Adams’s administration did not introduce a substantially new Indigenous policy compared to the Washington era; instead, it remained largely marginal and limited, despite general promises of fairness and humanity in Adams’s inaugural address. The research further shows that treaties with the Mohawk, Seneca, and Cherokee were primarily designed to formalize land cessions and compensation mechanisms under federal supervision, reinforcing an institutional imbalance of power between the federal government and tribal communities. In addition, congressional acts between 1798 and 1800 marked a shift toward stronger legal centralization by regulating frontier order, licensing trade, criminalizing violations within tribal territories, and reaffirming that Indigenous land transfers could only occur through formal treaties. Overall, the study concludes that the Adams presidency consolidated administrative and legal instruments of federal control over Indigenous affairs, even without adopting an explicit rights-based framework for Indigenous Peoples within the early American republic.

This academic study examines the concept of the “Chosen People” in Jewish thought and its direct and indirect impact on the establishment of the Zionist entity. The study traces the historical and religious roots of this concept and explores its development across different historical periods. It then analyzes how this concept was appropriated within modern Zionist thought and employed as an ideological and political instrument to justify the establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine. The study further discusses the political and social implications of this concept as reflected in Israeli policies and practices from the founding of the state to the present day.

Child labor has been one of the most controversial social and economic issues in the history of the United States, particularly during the period of rapid industrialization in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Child labor was closely linked to the structure of the industrial economy, to conditions of poverty and migration, and to the weakness of compulsory education systems, which made their work a widespread and relatively acceptable phenomenon in many American states.

The problem was broad and significant and difficult to solve by the efforts of organizations with limited resources and capabilities, but with the rise of reform movements and the increasing social awareness of the dangers of child labor to health, education and social stability, increasing demands began to emerge for federal government intervention as the only way to overcome the shortcomings of local regulation.

This research is based on the premise that the regulation of child labor in the United States was not the product of linear legislative development, but rather the result of a complex interplay between economic and social conditions and reform movements. The research aims to trace the role of the US government in this transformation during the period 1909–1939, through an analysis of the stages of local regulation, early attempts at federal intervention, and the decisive federal legislation of the late 1930s.

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Given the security stability witnessed in Saudi Arabia, and the attempts to improve the education sector, enhance the living conditions of the population, and integrate them into a single society, especially the Bedouin, these were the initial steps following Abdulaziz's entry into Riyadh in 1902. This was particularly evident after he consolidated his control over the country and eliminated his rivals, the Al Rashid family. From that time onward, he aspired to develop the country and find alternative solutions to the deteriorating reality that Saudi Arabia was experiencing, characterized by poverty, instability, widespread ignorance, and backwardness. He focused on improving their economic and social conditions. One of his first steps was establishing the Hijra system, which aimed to stabilize the Bedouin population and reduce their nomadic lifestyle. Abdulaziz believed that political and security stability could only be achieved through the dissemination of knowledge and education among the population. He worked to support education in every way possible and continued in this endeavor until 1932 when he succeeded in unifying the country and naming it the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. He chose the title of King for himself, and as a result of his policies... His wisdom led the country to enjoy security, stability, and economic and social prosperity in all fields, whether in the agricultural or industrial sector, internal and external trade, roads and transportation, and in the field of education, which he gave great attention to as the basic pillar in the progress and prosperity of the country. The health sector also had a share of the development that the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia witnessed. Therefore, King Abdulaziz was considered the founder, leader, and one who laid the correct foundations for the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia

Slitter was one of the most prominent British officials who played a significant political and financial role in Iraq during the British Mandate, particularly in the 1920s. His name is closely associated with financial and economic administration. As a financial advisor, he had direct influence on shaping the financial policies of the modern Iraqi state. His role focused on organizing Iraq's finances in line with British economic interests. He contributed to the preparation of public budgets and oversaw government revenues, especially tax and customs revenues. He also played a prominent role in consolidating British influence within Iraqi financial institutions by advising the government and linking the Iraqi economy to British markets and the financial system.

Objectives: This study aims to examine the diverse sultanic, religious, social, military, and coercive rituals that shaped political authority in the Ottoman Empire from 1299 to 1924. It seeks to demonstrate how these rituals functioned as deliberate instruments of governance, legitimacy, and social control rather than as mere cultural traditions. Methods:. The study adopts a historical, comparative, and critical analytical approach, drawing on political, religious, and social interpretations of Ottoman ritual practices. Both ceremonial and coercive rituals are analyzed to understand their role within the broader system of imperial power and state formation. Results:. The findings reveal that religious and political rituals, such as the Friday khutba and palace observances of Laylat al-Qadr, projected the sultan as both sovereign ruler and spiritual guardian. Social and cultural rituals including circumcision festivals, naval parades, and Ramadan charity reinforced imperial authority through spectacle, public participation, and benevolence. Military rituals, such as Janissary parades and the veneration of the Sacred Banner, promoted cohesion and loyalty while also exposing tensions between obedience and rebellion. The study further uncovers the coercive dimensions of ritual life through practices such as fratricide, the imperial harem, the Devşirme system, and eunuch service, which transformed bodies into instruments of political stability. Conclusions: The study concludes that Ottoman rituals—both ceremonial and coercive—constituted an integrated system that sustained dynastic power, legitimized authority, and structured social order across six centuries. These practices reveal the deeply ritualized foundations of Ottoman governance and highlight the central role of embodied power in maintaining imperial rule.

The paper is an attempt to understand the city of Baghdad in the Korean perspective, by studying the case of the CEO of Hyundai Construction Company, Lee Myung-bak, who is the person responsible for the Korean entry into Iraq through the Iraqi market in the seventies of the last century, as before that there were no relations between the two countries, neither on the economic nor on the political levels.

Therefore, we focused on the visits made by Lee Myung-bak to Baghdad, which was the first visit in which he was able to get to know and introduce himself to one of the most prominent officials in the Iraqi government, who is the Mayor of Municipality, Abdul Wahab Al-Mufti which played the vital role in the successful opening of a Korean consulate in Baghdad and the establishment of diplomatic relations between Iraq and Republic of Korea.

Then we took the details of the second visit made by Lee Myung-bak to Baghdad, in which, through his friendship with Abdul Wahab Al-Mufti, he was able to get to know a number of ministers in Iraq who contributed to provide simple facilities to the Hyundai Construction Company in its works in Iraq, all the way to the Minister of Planning, , who was responsible for drawing up economic policies in Iraq, promised Lee Myung-bak that he would look into the issue of opening a Korean embassy in Iraq.

The other visits continued to follow up the implementation of the project contracts that Hyundai Construction Company obtained in various parts of Iraq, which amounted to sixteen projects, which are among the most important strategic projects that contributed to the progress of the process of economic development and building infrastructure in Iraq, and in every visit Lee Myung was there. Lee gave his impressions of the city of Baghdad and the characteristics of the individual within Iraqi society. He also admired of Iraqi cuisine and its most famous dish, which is the Iraqi masgouf.

This study examines the dialectic of center and margin in modern Arabic poetry through the lens of Critical Discourse Analysis as developed by Norman Fairclough. It seeks to uncover the linguistic and semantic mechanisms through which power is reproduced or contested within the poetic text. The research proceeds from the assumption that modern poetry does not merely represent the tension between center and margin, but actively reconstructs it through discursive strategies that deconstruct dominant structures and grant voice to marginalized subjects. The study adopts an analytical approach grounded in Fairclough’s three-dimensional model: textual analysis, examination of discursive practices, and interpretation of the broader social and cultural contexts that shape and are shaped by the text. The findings reveal that modern poetic discourse employs linguistic deviation, the reconfiguration of pronouns, and the intensification of collective symbols as strategic tools for redistributing meaning. Such mechanisms contribute to displacing the center from its singular position and opening space for alternative representations of identity, authority, and memory. The study concludes that the center–margin dialectic in modern poetry is not a fixed binary, but a dynamic process continuously renegotiated within the discursive structure of the text.

Vocational and technical education, based on statistics, data, evidence, and facts, has become a key aspect of the educational process worldwide, impacting sustainable development in modern societies. This is especially true given the rise of numerous social problems and the growing issue of unemployment among university graduates. From this reality, we witness practical experiences that reflect the importance of developing vocational and technical education.

Vocational and technical education is considered fundamental to the development and progress of modern societies. Hence, the importance of countries and governments focusing on vocational and technical education and establishing high-quality academic standards to elevate this educational sector and improve its outcomes. Lebanon is a leading country in the field of education, and the Lebanese government and parliament have given significant importance to vocational and technical education due to its role in economic development.

The rise of the German Empire during the 19th century was one of the most significant political transformations in Europe due to its far-reaching influence across most, if not all, parts of the world. Examining the stages of this empire's formation necessitates considering the key economic shifts that contributed directly and indirectly to its emergence as a major power on the eve of World War I. These political changes were intertwined with the radical economic and social transformations that paved the way for its rise to global leadership.The measures adopted by that state contributed to supporting its economic capabilities, which it quickly employed in developing its industrial and agricultural capabilities, extending to organizing its financial and commercial affairs, and thus the edifice of the German Empire was formed during the nineteenth century in a way that gave it the ability to secure its access to international leadership on the eve of the Great War. The German Renaissance appeared to be a direct result of the economic integration between heavy industry, the structure of the banking system, and the protectionist policies adopted by the state since the 1870s. Its entry into the industrial arena led to a restructuring of the class structure in German society, reflecting its development and creating a new social class that gradually grew and entered the political arena with significant influence. The economic dominance of the empire added weight to its foreign policy as a means of securing its economic interests, and the German Renaissance later became one of the most important causes of World War I.Consequently, there was an urgent need to study and analyze the economic, social, and military variables that contributed to the German Renaissance and the growth of its capabilities, which enabled it to be employed in the context of great power competition, such as colonial rivalry, armament, and international alliances—a phenomenon clearly manifested on the eve of World War I.