Political Sciences Journal

The study of the future of the international system currently appears, according to scientific data and existing facts in light of the emergence of international actors from non-states and international informal institutions, to be heading towards a non-polarity system and this trend is fueled by many variables to reduce polarity, and it is expected in the future that the international system will turn into a non-polarity.

Today, the five Caspian riparian states on the shores of the Caspian Sea (Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Azerbaijan, Russia, and Iran) have become a front for ambitions and international and regional competition, especially in light of the features and characteristics that natural geography has endowed them with and their enjoyment of a group of economic and mineral wealth that are not optimally exploited so far which made it a strategic attraction area for international trends and interventions, especially Western ones. It is a battleground for major international companies aiming to monopolize promising industrial investments in order to impose control and influence on the region’s resources and economic wealth and thus impose their foreign policies and military and security arrangements on the countries of the Caspian Sea region – the Caucasus and the countries of the Basin region. more broadly.
Accordingly, this region occupy a distinguished position on the agenda of major international policy planners, especially after the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the intensification of international and regional competition in the region, not only for the sake of controlling the rich energy resources (such as oil and natural gas), but to achieve long-term geopolitical and strategic gains. The United States of America is not able to see the region away from its political orientations that coincides with its announcement of the establishment of the (New World Order), and the Russian Federation has been seeking to restore its international position again since President Vladimir Putin came to power in early 2000. This forced Russia to restore its geopolitical position and influence on the countries of the near abroad (Central Asia and the Caucasus), as well as the international competition of the emerging powers shown by China, India, Iran and Turkey, which formed a heated international competition and conflict in the region. As the confined geographical location for the republics of the region, it generated a double political-economic problem, represented by the inability of the countries of the region to benefit directly from their mineral and hydrocarbon resources unless they resort to using the lands and ports of the neighboring countries, most of which suffer from the phenomenon of political and social instability. This imposes the emergence of a set of challenges based on the specificity of the US-Russian interventions in the Caspian-Caucasus Basin countries after 2001 within the framework of conglomeration and enhancing the sustainability of strategies for imposing control and influence by each of the states The United States of America and the Russian Federation regarding this region.

This research aims to analyze the impact of the United States policy of pressure and sanctions on changing Iran's conduct. Since the Islamic Revolution of Iran in 1979, the US has continuously pursued various policies towards Iran, aiming to change the regime by force or isolate it politically and economically. The main research question lies in the following: To what extent does the US pressure policy and its sanctions affect the conduct Iran. This research discusses that the more there are economic and political alternatives to Iran, the more it will be challenging the US demands. Moreover, the more the US pursues a negotiating policy based on mutual interests, the more Iran will positively respond to American demands.
Keywords: US-Iranian relations, US sanctions, international cooperation.

After the fall of the Soviet Union, a number of Eastern Bloc countries and Soviet republics have witnessed political transition. However, Turkmenistan, as one of the former Soviet republics, succeeded to preserve the authoritarian nature of the former Soviet regime. This study seeks to answer a number of research questions, the most prominent of which are: How were the political elite in Turkmenistan able to preserve the legacy of the Soviet policy based on centralization of power and individual rule. The study reaches a set of conclusions, the most important of which are:
1-The roots of the tyranny in Turkmenistan are du to internal and external structural factors. The most important of which are: the former Soviet policies of marginalization and regional trade-offs, regional and tribal conflict, internal and external political leadership trends, in addition to the international powers competitions over the natural resources in Turkmenistan.
2- The Ashgabat tribe is considered the most ambitious of the Turkmen tribes for power, and this is the reason for its suppression during the Soviet era. Therefore, The tribes of Ashgabat sought to dominate the political life in the post-independence era.
3-Political leaders play an important role in enhancing authoritarianism, which is evident through the leadership of both presidents Sapir Murad Niyazov and Qurban Muhamadov.

This study aims to provide a theoretical framework for the impact of the Turkish intervention in northern Syria and the extent of its impact on the relations between the two countries.
It also seeks to answer the study\\'s main question: What is the impact of the Turkish intervention in northern Syria on Turkish-Syrian relations during the period 2011-2019 ?.
In this study، the historical method، the descriptive method، and the systems analysis method are used، with the aim of arriving at an accurate and realistic understanding of the Turkish-Syrian relations.
The study reaches a set of results، the most important of which is that the Syrian-Turkish relations are based on interests، and that all alliances and agreements concluded between them are an alliance of interest.

Democracy in any country is measured by the cultural، social and economic level reached by women in it in general and women with disabilities in particular، and the extent of their participation in political life and political decision-making. As a result of the patriarchal power that societies have known، including Iraq، history has witnessed multiple types and forms of discrimination against women، which differed from one country to another، this matter has pushed women، and since the beginning of the last century، to raise the issue of women\'s rights at the global، regional and national levels، through holding international conferences and agreements in order to empower women in all social، economic and political fields.
The conditions that Iraq has been subjected to، including wars، sectarian conflicts and violence، left many people with disabilities in Iraqi society، and despite the lack of accurate statistics for their numbers، the persons with disabilities in Iraq are estimated by civil society organizations to number about three million people، from which women occupy not insignificant percentage. As a result of Iraq\'s characterization as a male society that calls for male control over women، in addition to the nature of the tribal society and the inferior view of the disabled woman and her family، the suffering of women with disabilities is greater. They are deprived of their most important rights، which is the right to live or isolate themselves from society and strip them of their natural rights، which were guaranteed by all religions، norms and international laws recognized by Iraq.

There are Islamic sources and books that deal with the different doctrinal and differential framework of the Islamic religion with a monistic approach, describing them with embarrassing jurisprudential titles such as: excommunication and expiation, and epithets that carry the characteristics of hatred and rejection, in addition to removing them from the sect and religion, and the reason for that is that the doctrine (A) or (b) considers itself the doctrine that represents only the Islamic religion, and other doctrines are misguided and disbelieving. the reasons behind this - besides the attempt to establish doctrinal and fiqih rooting in claiming truth and escaping from within the foundational differential doctrinal system – is the political aspect which has had and is still a great influence on the rise of the trend of modeling In the Arab and Islamic world since the inception of sects; where the political authority and circles supporting them have become sectarian biased. The authority believes that it provides it with advocacy in the face of its opponents from other sects, and that this authority provides support to advocates of doctrines and their theorists, which provided an exclusive doctrinal environment consisting of hundreds of sources. Those sources and books within the framework of the Islamic system are the research attempt to diagnose the disease of sectarianism resulting from the monolithic reading of the Islamic religion, and treat it because of its great negative impact on citizenship and peaceful civil coexistence between the people of the same country, and between countries as well, especially since the feature of diversity is prominent in Arab Islamic societies. So, doctrines and teams must re-read each other in a way that provide a permanent climate of coexistence unaffected by the concerned political aspects.

The political system in Indonesia, since gaining independence from the Dutch colonialism on the seventeenth of August 1945, has gone through long stages. The Indonesian constitution stipulates that the country is built on a democratic basis. In 1956 the first free elections were held in Indonesia, and President Sukarno announced the adoption of the directed democratic system. Then, during the era of President Suharto, the state entered a phase called democracy based on the Five Pancasila principles, which is a false democracy because it served the interests of Suharto, who in his long reign political and economic corruption prevailed leading up to 1998 revolution by the Indonesian people, and the government of Suharto was toppled. Since 1999 till this day, the democratic approach has been adopted, in which the mechanisms of the electoral system based on democracy have been followed.

The Middle East is distinguished by its geographic, economic and geostrategic characteristics. But it suffers from many problems, such as disagreement over what it means as a concept, or what it represents as a geographical extension. The problem of this research relates to the ambiguity that surrounds the Middle East as a concept and connotations, as well as the controversy over its importance and its geostrategic, geoeconomic and geocultural dimensions. A number of questions arise from this problem, perhaps the most prominent of which are: - Why does not the Middle East as a concept rise to the rank of a term? - Is there a relationship between the multiplicity of concepts in the Middle East and international political and strategic interest- To what extent have the geostrategic characteristics of the Middle East been a magnet for major powers?. So, the research is based on the hypothesis that: The recognition of the vital interests of the influential international powers with the distinctive characteristics of the Middle East region affect their perception and behavior towards this region

Iraq is one of the most important countries in the world that has received its impact of terrorist acts by the terrorist organization the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), which has caused instability, especially during the stage of its control of seven Iraqi provinces (Anbar, Mosul, Kirkuk, Salah al-Din, Babylon, Diyala, and parts of Baghdad) in the time span (2014-2017). This stage has caused a retrogression in the levels of human and economic development and its inconsistency with the capabilities and needs of the Iraqi population. Therefore, this study aims to demonstate the hypothesis that there is a close relationship between the decline in development in Iraq and the brutal practices of ISIS committed during its period of control over many Iraqi cities and regions. The study uses several methods in order to address and identify all aspects related to the subject, such as the inductive descriptive approach and the historical approach. Likewise, government documents, data , and that mentioned in the reports issued by research and studies centers, conferences, regional and international organizations concerned with the study of terrorism and development was a turning point for obtaining information. The study attempts to formulate a new research vision aiming at highlighting the main dimensions of the effects of the terrorist organization ISIS at that stage and its role in the decline of the citizen\'s right in development. This study recently concludes that the terrorist organization ISIS has a negative impact on development indicators in Iraq through its direct effects on human security and freedom and the threat it poses on their lives, as well as the indirect impact on people\'s capabilities to access health, education and decent living resources.

In contemporary discourses the debate of most Western thinkers is about the efforts to clarify the normative foundations of democracy. And then, some political thinkers have adopted other models differ in terms of standards for traditional liberal democracy. Be the common goal of democracy will give the formation of a greater role than usual in political liberalism rather than limiting the participatory activity of citizens on the function to give permanent legitimacy to the exercise of state authority. The activity is to be permanently enshrined in the democratic public sphere and the issue must be understood as the source of all political decisions.

Robert Nozick (1938-2002) is a contemporary American political thinker. He formulates his political theory in his book (Anarchy, State, Utopia) in 1974, which included his most important main ideas represented in the emergence of the (The Minimal State), which according to his perception represents the only morally justified state as well as spontaneity. Also, his book (The Theory of Entitlement) represents his conception of distributive justice within the framework of individual rights in an atypical manner, through which he expresses his rejection of stereotypical distributive justice theories such as equality in Marxism and justice as fairness in the social liberal trend. Robert Nozick\'s political and economic ideas have constituted a basic tributary and starting point for the ideas of the neo-liberal trend in particular and the contemporary liberal right in general, in terms of calling for the revival of the traditional liberal heritage to serve his political and economic theory that he adopts. Nozick has an extremist individual tendency which represent his political and economic ideas. He considers the individual as the first unit, and the group or society is nothing but the product of a group of individuals.

The organizational structure of relations between states is among the main features that distinguish the twentieth century as the era of international organization, especially after the increase in the number of political units after World War II in which regionalism was crystallized as a phenomenon. It is not modern, as there are many blocs such as the European Union that have developed in it, the idea of regional bloc is prominent, especially in Europe, as it emerges after a controversy revolving around what is called Globalism in the face of Globalism vs. Regionalism. Regionalism, as a proponent of the global orientation sees the establishment of a global organization including all countries as the best way to achieve international peace and security. While proponents of the regional orientation emphasize on the importance of establishing regional organizations to achieve this, and from here the theory of “regional peace” arose after World War II. Since the capabilities of developing countries to compete are weak, many of these countries have sought to take one form or another of regional cooperation in order to enhance their economic capacity in facing these challenges. In this context, the experience of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, known as ASEAN for short, represents a distinct model in this regard, which prompted to be considered as a model capable of being emulated by developing countries in their quest to maximize their gains in light of the contemporary international reality. Hence the importance of this research seeks to identify the factors of success or failure of the “ASEAN” experience in achieving regional security, exploring its weaknesses, the challenges and difficulties it faces, and how to deal with them in order to identify the extent of the possibilities of benefiting from this experience in the Arab region.

This research deals with the nature of the relationship between the states and federal systems in the United States by studying the political reality of the social, economic and cultural forces for their role in applying the foundations of the real federal system which happened in the United States since its foundation. Political elites had an important role in delineating the nature of that system beside society and economic factors which played significant role in installing pillars of that system. So, the study demonstrates the capability of the political governing elites in crystallizing this unique system, until it became one of the political systems that some countries sought to copy and apply its experience too.

The term civil society is one of the terms mentioned and spread widely because of its role in the consolidation of democracy in society. Civil society in essence works to bring about change in society in all its respects. The concept of civil society emerged in Iraq after 2003, as is the case with many concepts that entered Iraq, it took upon itself to build a democratic Iraq as civil society institutions are the entity capable of rebuilding the Iraqi personality in various aspects and achieving national coherence. This matter requires the availability of means that will work to strengthen it and activate its role in society.

The Turkish Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) is one of the most influential elements in the Iraqi national security since 2014. It has a new and effective role in the Iraqi political arena, as a result of participating in combat operations against ISIS in Nineveh Governorate, which prompted several minorities within the province to sympathize with its presence and its role in particular in Sinjar after ISIS committed the most brutal crimes against the Aizidi minority, Turkey took advantage of the security conditions that Iraq went through after the entry of ISIS into the country to expand its influence in the north, using the pretext of the PKK and the previous agreement between the two countries on border protection. Also, the continued survival of the Workers Party and its fighters on Iraqi lands, and their continued military operations against Turkey will force Iraq to endure the Turkish forces' raids against them under the right to follow up and use the deterrent defense measure to defend itself. This represents a breach by the Turkish side on Iraqi sovereignty and its effect on Iraqi national security. Therefore, the presence of the PKK in the Iraqi scene and its influence mean that it plays a role in the geopolitical interactions of the Iraqi state, which will in turn affect the Iraqi national security.