Journal of International studies

Arab-American relations went through a lot of events and turns in more than half a century, and the successive U.S. administrations have announced changes in its global strategy in each phase occupies the Arab world, where increasingly important. If the years of the nineties of the twentieth century has witnessed the changes and clear the entrances to the American strategy toward the Arab world, the beginning of the third millennium has witnessed a sharp turn in the direction the U.S. towards the region raised the American administration slogans of change in the region of the entrances of three. Security and reform, and peace, despite the fact that fact does not comply with these propositions, which was in reality an expression of a new approach to the growing U.S. interests in the region ..
But the beginning of the new contract put the U.S. administration in front of a paradox major when I found the Arab masses preceded to change some regulations, which put her in confusion and unclear, although it was seeking to redraw the maps of the area, but that it happened differently, which led to look for quick fixes and modify Some details of the strategy and try to contain some elements that influence the change process, which is expected to have a role in receiving the power in their countries and democratic manner, especially the Islamic groups.
The project Arab renaissance, which suffered a major setback at the beginning of this century after it was the occupation of Iraq, and filled the area fleets, rules and foreign armies, was the patrons are looking for a port to launch ambitious programs, hit by retail, underdevelopment and dependency, have been mapped many of the scenes, but the anti-American and to whom correspondence of the regimes in the region, and the negative experience of the masses of these plans and projects, led to the establishment of such programs in wait in the hope that change what happens, you will find these programs on its way to the application. Perhaps the political movement witnessed in the Arab region in 2010 and 2011 and still continues, a factor contributing to re-read those projects, and perhaps in the case of the insistence of the public to maintain the revolutions and not to compromise and weakness in front of diagrams foreign, can see the foundation for the rise of a new Arab light and strong.

This research focuses on the two most active players in the Middle East, the first is the United States as an international player that has dominated during the past two decades in managing files of crisis in the areas of tension in the world, including the study area. It follows the changes in the strategy of the current U.S. administration (the administration of President Barack Obama), and the means that should be employed to redefine its relations with the countries of the region on the one hand, and achieving its interest on the other. While the second regional player is Turkey in spite the critical turnings it has passed through in the history of its relationship with the region and the world together, Turkey re-identifies itself through its new political elites, its interests and role in Middle East. Therefore, Turkey is planned by the ruling Justice and Development party to be an international force through leading the region and employing its subjective and objective possibilities that would help to achieve this goal.
Both players, the international and regional, need each other to achieve a wide range of shared interests in the region and reduce the problems and difficulties that impede them. What makes them differ is the difference of their attitudes towards the crises that happened after the Cold War, especially during the stringent policy of U.S. former President George W. Bush Jr. and his administration, its excessive use of force as the best means to deal with the problems and crises of the region, and its exaggerating to ignore the roles and interests of the allies and what they can present in this scope.
This means that the two players, the American and Turkish, in a dire need of a careful reading of their common interests and what each one can do for the other, review the new relationship between them to overcome the points of contention which have increased difference between them during the last phase in the framework of large-scale operation to re-activate the already existing alliance relationship between them in structure of NATO since 1952, the date which witnessed the membership of Turkey in the previous alliance.

For many Islamic movements characterized by stringency, violence is considered the most important means to achieve the goals and objectives of these movements.
These movements have rooted these practices legitimately in order to justify applying them either internally against the governments or others who differ religiously, intellectually and even sectarian, or externally against countries that they call infidel, and especially the United States of America. Recently many of these movements started to abandon violence, whether inside or outside their countries, because they could not achieve what they aspire to through it, as well as for many other reasons.
This research which is entitled (violence in the reviews of Islamic movements) addresses the concept of violence linguistically and idiomatically, Islam's attitude towards violence, legitimate rooting for violence of the Islamic movements, and then the new readings of these movements which are known as the reviews.

This research is an attempt to investigate the most important events and developments that accompanied the political life of Yemen since independence until gaining unity, and the different dimensions that it has witnessed with the different political systems in both the north and south of the country, and what these developments have left on the progress of the political parties and their role in the national movement.
Thus, the external environment, regional and international, is present in the political life of Yemen before and after the establishment of unity. This presence is imposed by consequences of the Cold War, the subsequent events and major political changes that have been witnessed after Cold War, and the domination of unipolar policy of the United States in international politics. All these elements affected in the political life and regional interactions in the whole region which resulted in a political- social movement that has a direct and indirect, negative and positive impact on the political life of Yemen.
The establishment of unity in 1990 and the subsequent constitutional changes in the country are considered a quantum leap in the political life of Yemen. This unity that has been achieved by the changes and transformations of internal and regional policies made an important sign on democracy, pluralism, political participation through the issuance of the Constitution, and the approval of legislations and laws concerning the function of political parties.
Therefore, this research focuses on the U.S. role as one of the most important international players, some of the major regional powers and their effects on the role, the tendencies, and policies of the various political and social forces in the political arena in Yemen and the nature of the political system prevailing in it.
The research also addresses briefly the challenges faced by the existing system at the present time and particularly since 2004, as the external factor, regional and international, marks a clear sign on the struggle between the regime and the opposition, the rebellion in the north and the political movement in South, in addition to the return of armed groups that have taken the country as a base for the so-called (Al-Qaida in the Arabian Peninsula).

Terrorism is considered one of the most dangerous phenomena that have a negative impact on societies around the world especially in the human side. Its danger has increased in our time after it has become a global phenomenon that affects all fields of life, as terrorism no longer belongs to a certain state or people, but includes everyone, regardless of its causes, forms, objectives, and even the nature of those who support it. It seems that this fact has been realized by the international community since the beginning of the twentieth century, which sought to fight and reduce its destructive impact on human,cultural, economic and even political life. This has been done by placing a number of means and legal measures toend terrorism seriously. Despite of that,it is found that the international community is unable to achieve concrete results in fighting terrorism, and the reason behind this is due to its inability till this day to unite global efforts and find a united international formula to reduce the risk of terrorism. At the same time, international community has to find ways to eliminate it through international cooperation and coordination between States and peoples that are in a direct contact with terrorism becauseweak coordination, regulation, and international cooperation were the most prominent reasons behind the weakness of international efforts in eliminating terrorism and reducing its effects as their efforts remained limited on self-efforts. Perhaps the failure to resolve the problem of terrorism refers to the intellectual, political, economic, social, and religious differences ofeach State.Also the intersection between the states about the quiddity of terrorism has led these states to adopt different actions and means towards terrorism. As a result, these differences weaken international efforts to fight terrorism and increase its danger.It seems that theseindividual means taken by some countries, including Western Europe countries, in fighting terrorism may achieve certain goals behind, nevertheless, the majority has violated laws and international standards of human rights, because those meansbecome the main causes of human rights violations in Western Europe.Accordingly, a number of concernshave been raised, most notably the number of legislations to fight terrorism in the countries of Western Europe, especially France and Britain, which have significantly influenced human rights, because applying these laws has become the main reason behind the violation of human rights and the lack of respect, a matter which is considered a violation of international standards and measures of those rights.
On these bases, the research has been divided into three major chapters. First chapter deals with the conceptual framework of terrorism and is divided into two sections: the first section reviews the definition of terrorism in linguistic, conventional, and legal terms. While the second deals with the goals of terrorism.
Second chapter deals with the motives and forms of terrorism. It is also divided into two sections: the first addresses the motivations behind terrorism and its practice. The second section identifies forms of terrorism and is divided into two first parts: the first reviews the classical forms of terrorism and the second deals with its modern forms.
Chapter threeshows the nature of the legal measures to fight terrorism and its impact on human rights as it addresses the situation of France and Britain as cases for the study. This chapter isalso divided into two sections: in the first section we review the historical roots of the phenomenon of terrorism in Western Europe and how it developed through ages. The second section deals with the national legislation to fight terrorism in France and Britain and how these laws developed, especially after the events of September and the events of the London bombings, and the impact of these events on the nature of those laws.
Then the conclusion comes to confirm the validity of the hypothesis of this research.The research concludes that the national legislation to fight terrorism in France and Britain has violated and exceeded international standards of respecting and protecting human rights. It is true that these laws have been developed in order to reduce the phenomenon of terrorism, but they have become the main source of exceeding and violating those rights for all, without exception, under the pretext of so-called application of fighting terrorism.

This research deals with a very important subject because of the growing role of Qatar in Arab region, and the increase of the effectiveness of its foreign policy, despite of its limited geopolitical position. Therefore, the research starts from the principle that the increased presence of Qatar, both on regional and international levels, comes from Qatar’s desire to build itself and find an effective and independent foreign policy far from remaining in the regional orbit only. On these bases, the research is divided into two chapters: the first is an analysis of motives of Qatar’s foreign political behavior. It is also divided into three sections, the first addresses the material elements, while the second deals with the legal considerations or values, and the third deals with the elements of foreign elements.
The second chapter deals with the mechanisms of foreign political behavior, and it is divided into four sections: the first section is about the diplomatic axis, the second is the military axis, while the third is the economic axis, and the fourth is media axis. The research ends with a conclusion that includes a summary of the main results.