Journal of International studies

Building a contemporary Iraqi state, which has been established since 1921, does not succeed in laying the basis of a national identity that combines all different Iraqi components. Despite raising slogans of nationalism during this era of Iraq's contemporary history, but this identity is unable to unify Iraqis.
The variety of Iraqi community hinders strengthening and reinforcing this identity. Therefore, the research addresses the attempt to impose national identity and how it is an obstacle to establish the Iraqi national identity, and that the transformation after 2003 and the adoption of the sectarian quota system complicate the problem.
Hence, the Iraqis today; authority and community, have to reach to a shared mechanism that unite them and lead them to formulate the Iraqi identity. Perhaps this agreement will beaky to solve the various crises that prevailed in Iraq decades ago.

The research deals with the nature of the political and constitutional institutions in Morocco whichare known to be as the essence of the political system in it. Political system in Morocco was represented inthe one party before independence in 1934 with the emergence of national action party. Then it has been working with partyplurality after independence in 1962, as the first Moroccan constitution considered one-party system as illegal.Also Morocco witnessed the first legislative elections in 1963;therefore Morocco knew party plurality, the constitution, and the parliament since more than half century. But its political system suffered froma serious problem that is the process of devolution of power, because it is not mentionedin the Constitution who handles the authority but it is left to the King who selects the Prime Minister according to his point of view and not according to the elections. In addition the Moroccan political system accuses the Royal Institution of manipulating with the election results, either through material support and media for some parties,or work to oust parties that are against the Royal Institution. Also the Constitution issued in 1996 to make the ministry responsible to the king not to parliament, and that the process of coincided alteration which took place after 1998 was not a constitutionaltext but only a political initiative.

This research has been tackling several topics concerning the political transformations that happened after 2003 in Iraq to move towards the democratic process, in comparison with Arab region which witnessed dramatic transformations after 2011.
Therefore, we must study democracy in Iraq to know how provisional coalition authority, led by United States of America as an occupied power, began hardly to impose a new democratic system. But after that the national elites tried to administrate the authority by itself.
The political transformation towards democracy has confronted major challenges and crisis, especially the depending of political elites on the sectarian quota to distribute the power and authority among them, as a result of that the political process witnessed a dispute among different wills, it also has been reached into a difficult situation that could not solve the pending problems. So this research puts several solutions to unify the political wills by assimilation all components of society with real political participation.

It is well-known that the nature of the relations between Iraq and the United States has a great importance in political life and decision-making centers in the United States, because of its impact on U.S.A interests in the region, particularly the energy. At the same time, Iraqi political powers look at these relations from a different perspective. As both sides are keen to achieve the greatest possible strategic gains, the United States seeks to make a political, economic, military and security alliance with the Iraqi government characterized by the continuity and legitimacy on different levels even after the withdrawal of U.S. troops by 2011, especially that Iraq from U.S. view is considered as a power that has a political weight in Middle East, especially if Iraq regained its role to complete the circle of American allies in the region according to the geostrategic terms, a matter that reinforces United States future strategic interests in the Middle East, particularly in Iraq.

Arab Gulf countries, particularly the GCC, seek to form a security system to protect the nature of life and system of government in these six countries. This goal has accompanied these states since the eighties of the last century, because of the regional changes represented in the Iranian- Iraqi war that led these countries to form GCC, and then the transformations which included the international environment at the beginning of the nineties of the last century, which in turn affected the Gulf region, especially after the events of August 1990, a matter that represented a major challenge for these countries.
But the changes that followed the events of September 11/ 2001, then declaring war on terrorism, later the occupation of Iraq in 2003, and the change of powers balance in the region for the benefit of Iran, led this region to be as a center of international interactions, and showed it as a vital region for regional and international interests. These elements made Arab Gulf states suffer from a serious security crisis that cannot face alone, therefore they have to side with great powers to maintain security and stability. The most important of these powers is the United States of America.

This research, which is entitled "Mubarak harbor and the future of Iraqi-Kuwaiti relations",focuses on the historical facts that led to the deduction of Kuwait from Iraq, then establishing the Emirate of Kuwait, andthe British role in it. It also deals with the geographical importance of Khor Abdullah and surrounding coastline borders of the area and the idea of establishing a harbor in the region to serve the British goals to isolate Iraq. The research also sheds light on the political development of Iraqi– Kuwaiti relations and the role of the foreign factor in perpetuating the idea of separation and continuous hostility, a matter that leads for existing problems between the two sides and that has not been resolved in a satisfactory way for both sides so far.
As a result, we see that Kuwait is moving ahead towards the establishment of the harbor, while Iraq is stuttering in buildingFawharbor despite the vitality and importance of the project and its impacts on the future of Iraq and the region.

This research is interested in studying the historical roots of the Iraqi national identity; therefore the conflict of identities in Iraq is not a new problem, but it is rooted since the establishment of the state of Iraq, and has appeared after 2003 and increased after the U.S. withdrawal.
So, this research focuses on the roots of Iraqi national identity since the establishment of the state of Iraq until 2003, and the difficulty of forming an Iraqi national identity within Iraqi society because of the different visions of the political elites that ruled Iraq until the fall of the previous political system. Despite the attempts to establish a unified Iraqi national identity, but these attempts failas a result of that difference.
The research also deals with the Iraqi national identity after 2003 and the rise of three sub-national identities, the national, the religious and the sectarian identities which dominate the Iraqi national identity, a matter that leadsto a dispute within the Iraqi society.
The research addresses these problems and the steps to be followed to reinforcea unified national identity for all Iraqis whichis above the sub-identities that have emerged and led to dispute.