Journal of International studies

The constitutional authority provided to regions represents a core matter when it comes to federal regimes, since it holds an effect over the national unity and the over the nature of relations between regions and the federal government. The Iraqi constitution, in 2005, granted plenty of authority to regions, providing them with leverage over the federal government, and not visa-versa, which resulted in tension and crises the relation between the Federal government and the government of the Kurdistan region

This research aims to the position of the Russian foreign policy on the referendum of the Kurdistan region on the separation from the federal government in Baghdad. The Russian strategy is ambiguous and does not adopt a clear vision of Middle Eastern issues, including the Kurdish issue and the attempt to disengage from Iraq. The Russian Federation called on the Kurdish and Iraqi Governments to resolve the dispute through peaceful diplomatic means and pointed to the need to preserve the territorial integrity of Iraq, meanwhile the Russian Federation has not stopped the conclusion of bilateral agreements and the signing of investment contracts with the Kurdistan Regional Government in the field of energy and oil extraction without reference to the federal government in Baghdad. Where the Iraqi government claimed this action is illegal and contradictory to the provisions of the Iraqi constitution. In conclusion, the study showed the lack of clarity of the Russian position on the issue of the referendum of Kurdistan which, Russia has maintained a neutral position between acceptance and rejection while the referendum was rejected and denied from several regional and Western countries

The administration of public funds and the stability of the political system and its development in the federal state, which is characterized by ethnic and religious diversity, depends on building positive relations between the federal government and the governments of the regions and organizing them within a clear constitutional framework. The independence of the local authorities in all their specialties should not be seen as absolute independence. So that these local authorities are fully independent of the central authority. Otherwise, local decentralization becomes a threat to the unity of the state and its integrity. If decentralization requires the independence of the local authorities by virtue of their jurisdiction, it should be noted that these local bodies remain linked to the central authority that controls them within certain limits. Turned

The Iranian policy has been influenced by the direction of the Knurdista region of Iraq since 2014, with many factors, notably: geographical, ethnic, security and economic factors. The geographical factor is one of the most important factors. Iran is bordering on the north-western part of the Kurdistan region of Iraq. Iran is in the north-west, Iraqi Kurds are deployed in the provinces bordering Iran, there is geographically and ethnically interdependent between the Kurds of Iran and the Kurds of Iraq, which naturally led to interaction and mutual interest in all political issues, economic, social and security.
As for the security factor, it played an important role in enhancing Iran's openness to the Kurdistan region, especially after the entry of a terrorist organization to Iraq in June 2014. Iran was quick to provide military assistance to the Kurdistan Regional Government, thus enhancing the defense capabilities of the Kurdish forces (Peshmerga) .

The problem of the Kurdish issue began to emerge since the early 1920s. After the Sifr Treaty of 1920 was ignored and the major powers sided with Turkey, the Treaty of Lausanne, 1923, which denied Kurdish rights, became a source of concern for a number of countries in the region, Turkey, Iran, Iraq and Syria, as well as in Armenia, the issue has been complicated by year after year, causing political, economic and humanitarian consequences that threatened security and peace. The emergence of the Kurdistan State is the nominal goal for the Kurds through history. The idea of a national state is not as easy as some people think. The Kurds have lost millions of dollars in order to mobilize this project and made material and human sacrifices for independence. The question we ask is whether or not The Kurdish dream is realized someday? , The Kurdish issue is one of the most important issues in the Middle East, especially the entry of multiple parties in the case, Kurdish leaders began to use the Kurdish issue as a basic card to pressure the central government as well as a trump card to win some international parties along with the Kurdish issue. The waving of secession and the rights of independence for the Kurds became a card of international pressure to achieve gains rather than a genuine desire for independence. The Iraqi government has a specific position, as do countries such as the United States, Turkey and Iran on the issue.

Controlling the communication process as per the relationship between the federal government of Iraq and KRG is a urgent need given the diversity of interactions between them. The current communication process suffers from an insufficient content as well as the inability to comprehend the fact that setting up a future communication strategy may participate in bridging the gap and overcome the disagreement between both sides, particularly when the growing personal and selfish interests and the interference of external propaganda activities participate in deepening the defect, and inflicting damages on the sovereignty and national identity of Iraq.

The importance of the relationship between the federal government and the Kurdistan Region and the consequent mutual obligations at the constitutional, political, security and administrative levels and the multiple problems that it generated in a modern state in the federal system and the recent democracy and popular participation.
Accordingly, the research started with the following main question: What is the nature of the relationship between the federal government in Baghdad and the Kurdistan Regional

The local government of Kurdistan Regional of Iraq and some Kurds believe and consider that (the disputed areas) is belong to the Kurdish people and the presence of non-Kurds people is an individual and random presence. They believe that the presence of those people is mainly related with the existence of some of the social organizations which are modern and associated with the nationalism policies of Iraq's anti-Kurdish rulers who tried to change the demographic style of Kurdish land.

This paper deals with the nature of the constitutional and legal relationship between the Iraqi federal government and the Kurdistan region and clarifying the foundations of the federal organization namely unity, participation and independence. The principle of unity shows the federal state as a simple state The three pillars of the state are: the people, the land, and the political power of sovereignty. It is also the principle of independence that confers the international character on the group of members of the federal state. The powers of each member are the reason for maintaining their international identity despite the fact that they have a legal idea that establishes their solidarity around the federal central state. It is the principle of participation that ensures the participation of the regions, regardless of their size, geographical location in the governing authorities, the enactment of federal laws and other decisions taken at the federal level. This principle is in fact a translation of the idea of equality between regions. Federal, and dealt with the case of Iraq and include these principles and foundations in the Iraqi Constitution in force and our political reality in terms of practice with those principles in accordance with the constitutional articles governing this relationship

The federal system is one of the most prestigious political systems of governance, especially in the vast, vast countries, which are different in their political, social and economic conditions, as a practical means of compromise between surrender to the fragmented and idealistic reality that calls for total integration and universal unity. From the embodiment of common rule and autonomy, through the constitutional distribution of power over the same territory between two governments, one national and the other local, in a way that neither the central governments nor the territorial constituents of federalism are subject to each other, N Both of them have the powers derived from the Constitution, and the principle of independence, fundamental status of the advantage of the federal system or federal

The assumed pattern in the future of the relationship between Federal government and Kurdistan region had specified as a comprehensive rights that included without any deprivation for Kurdish national movement , especially the reality of the crisis between the central unit and local unit had been envisaged according to the political compromise which prevailed inside the democracy’s process in Iraq post 2003 . But the real crisis had begun when the Kurdistan region procured the self – determination referendum on 25th of September 2017 in order to declare the Kurdish state later , So the whole parties in such of both the international and regional scenes had refused the procedures of the formation the new state according to the national affiliations of the Kurdish nationalism owing to the extension that on all lines of problems near the borders of Iraq’s regional neighbors.

Kurdish forces and the problematic formation of the federal government-Between the national perspective and the regional perspective
The relationship between the federal and regional governments in the Kurdistan region is one of the dilemmas that emerged after 2006 due to the recent existence of federal relations and the distribution of competencies.
The Federal Constitution ended with the establishment of a federal entity whose characteristics would lead to the creation of a weak federal state with limited powers and the establishment of strong regional governments.
That the federal constitution allowed the existence of: large pluralism within the House of Representatives, and left the formation of the Council of the Union to a later stage, and the impact of the subject of the existence: great political pluralism, in society, and within the House of Representatives, the formation of the federal government, as the political forces can not reach the absolute majority, Necessary to form a federal government, on its own.
The political forces' view of the subject of political pluralism and the formation of the government falls under specific headings: adherence to the constitution's recognition of power and the desire to participate in government. There are many precursors to political instability. Those headlines have caused weak coalition governments

separation dream did not leave the aspiration of the Kurds leaders and their people. This desire requires elements that establish the process of building infrastructure and a stable economic resource, and the presence of oil in the Kurdistan region as one of the important natural resources believe that it can achieve this, so the Kurdish leaders seek to control it and manage it outside the authority of the federal state, The powers and responsibilities stipulated by the Permanent Constitution of Iraq in 2005, which caused a state of permanent conflict over that wealth and damage to Iraq and its people, and that the achievement of a state of compatibility between the region and the Center will certainly achive the better results for both parties.

The research focused on the future of the relationship between the center and the region in light of the generation of change, the definition of it and the statement of the strategic visions of that relationship, and the extent of its legal legitimacy to commend our hypotheses on them, which enable decision makers to characterize the paths of contradictions towards the participants and to promote them and avoid the divisors and neutralize them after capturing signals and highlighting them as indicators derived Including the relationship strengths, with reference to the fact that the dominance of "fallacies" over the post-2003 relationship, "as well as clarify the most important participants and divisors.

This study had belt on hypothesis that refers there are(Conflict) between the center(Baghdad) and the territory(Erbil) and this conflict can be backtracks to the level(Difference), if the two parts agree upon compromise solution, built-up upon mutual renunciations conserve all parts(Arabs, Kurds and all another national components). And here, the difference may be transformed to qualitative development that leads to the coalition. When all parts perceive that the partnership is the basis in building oh homeland, not the isolationist or banishment policies.

العراق،الاكراد، اقليم كردستان،الاستفتاء