Journal of African Studies

This research addresses a comprehensive study of Israeli influence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, as a model of Israeli penetration policy in the African continent. The study focuses on analyzing the strategic objectives that Israel seeks to achieve through its increasing presence in the Congo, which vary between political, economic, and security goals, in an African environment characterized by fluidity and rapid geopolitical transformations.
The research begins by presenting the historical background of Israeli-African relations since the establishment of Israel in 1948, focusing on the tools used by Israel to penetrate the continent, such as technical assistance, military training, and relations with ruling elites. It also covers the development of relations between Israel and Congo since the latter's independence, including the exchange of diplomatic representation and the signing of bilateral agreements in various fields.
Moreover, the research focuses on analyzing the objectives of Israeli influence in Congo, where it reviews the political dimensions represented by building strategic alliances, the economic dimensions related to the exploitation of natural resources such as gold, copper, and diamonds, in addition to the security and military objectives related to information exchange and troop training. It also clarifies the serious repercussions of this influence, such as Israel's role in obstructing the project to link the Congo River to the Nile, and the proposal to settle Palestinians in Congolese territory as an alternative homeland for Palestinians after their displacement from Gaza.
This research relies on the descriptive-analytical method, employing a number of reliable sources including international reports, academic studies, and official documents, with the aim of building a deep understanding of one of the most sensitive geopolitical influence files on the African continent. The study's results show that Israeli influence in Congo not only serves immediate economic interests but is also part of a broader strategic vision to redraw influence in Africa.

Through this article, we will seek to clarify the nature of Western scholarly representations of the Arab world and the African continent through the American magazines Foreign Policy and Foreign Affairs and the French newspaper Le Monde diplomatique. This is the first methodological choice and one of the research challenges, as we deliberately chose Anglo-Saxon and Francophone scholarly institutions, or Mediterranean (France) and Atlantic (America).
We chose and deliberately selected the articles we analyzed to be recent, both to illustrate the current method of analyzing the Arab world and Africa, and, on the other hand, to enable us to discern how these scholarly institutions (scholarly journals) anticipate the future of this topic—that is, anticipating through understanding the present, thus contributing to shaping the details of this future, not merely analyzing it. The article is based on a fundamental question: Can the nature of scholarly knowledge produced in respected magazines or newspapers change based on the civilization to which they belong? That is, can Western representations of the Arab world and the African continent change based on the Francophone or Anglo-Saxon heritage

This research examines a prominent African historical figure, Agostinho Neto, the first President of Angola. He holds a significant position in African history in general and Angolan history in particular, regarded as a national and Pan-African symbol whose stature is akin to that of Africa's spiritual fathers like Nelson Mandela. The importance of this research stems from the absence of an independent Arabic study compiling the biography and extensive history of struggle and resistance of this figure for liberation and independence. Furthermore, the research gains significance from the fact that studying the biographies of prominent historical figures is crucial in historical research generally, and in modern and contemporary history specifically, as it reveals the experiences of peoples in struggle, liberation, and development.
Given that Agostinho Neto's historical biography is rich with struggle, lengthy in its events, and complex, this research chose to focus on his trajectory from birth until his assumption of the presidency of the Angolan liberation movement. Discussion of events following his leadership of the liberation movement and his subsequent inauguration as President of Angola until his death is postponed for future research that can address the historical events in detail, without abbreviation or excessive elaboration.
Consequently, this research is structured around several axes. The first axis addresses his social life: birth, upbringing, education, and marriage. The second axis is dedicated to the factors that developed his revolutionary and combative consciousness. The third axis follows the intensification of the struggle and resistance for Angola's liberation and independence, tracking the loci of his struggle and its impact on igniting the 1961 Angolan revolution and fueling rebellion and defiance against Portuguese colonialism. The research concludes with a summary of findings and a list of references

Absrract
The Shuwa Arabs are considered a faction of Nigerian society. They are an Arab tribe that originally migrated from the Arabian Peninsula to the land of Borno for political, economic, environmental, and religious motives. The majority of their members live in the northeastern regions of Borno State, where they cover a wide area. Despite the name “Shuwa” of these Arabs in Nigeria has become widespread amongNigerian society, they still maintain their identity and call themselves “Arabs”, but the researcher is committed in this article to calling them “Showa Arabs” in keeping with the famous nickname.
The Shawa dialect of the Arabs is an Arabic dialect rooted in the various ancient Arabic dialects carried with them by the tribes that migrated to the far north of Nigeria, i.e., the former Kingdom of Borno, and it is close to the dialect of the people of Hijaaz. Many of the expressions and words of this dialect are in common use in many contemporary colloquial Arabic dialects in most Arab countries, but the effects of vowelization, inversion, substitution, and other dialectal aspects of some of its vocabulary conflict, to an extent that one might think, at first glance, that it has local environmental peculiarities, as after study and scrutiny in this article, much can be traced back from the linguistic characteristics that we observe in the Shuwa dialect to Arabic dialects that were common among the ancient Arabs. Given the large area inhabited by the Shuwa-Arab tribes in Nigeria and the difference in the social environment from one region to another, it does not rule out the existence of a simple dialectal difference within their dialect in particular, and this is represented in some sounds and vocabulary and their connotations and so on

Armed groups such as the March 23 Movement are among the most prominent threats to regional security in East and Central Africa, as they have contributed to fueling ethnic and political conflicts, and have increased the suffering of civilians through displacement and armed violence. The reasons for the emergence of these groups are due to multiple factors such as poverty, marginalization, institutional vulnerability, sectarian conflicts, as well as regional and international interventions. Its activities have affected political and economic stability, prompting the international community and regional organizations to intervene through military and humanitarian efforts. As challenges persist, there is a need for comprehensive strategies focused on development, regional cooperation and community peacebuilding.

Absrract
The subject of international intervention is of utmost importance among issues for the researchers of political science field.; because of its pivotal connection with States external policies and impact on internal, external and international arena.
Therefore, it constitutes diverse problem as a result of its security, economic and political reflections in the present time and future regarding the international relations.
The study concentered on the international intervention from France and Italy in Libya crisis specially the conflict among key parties.
In addition, the study aimed at deep scientific knowledge for this intervention with its dimensions, mechanisms and different means, so, the importance of the study can be seen.
The study used the data and other sources from the reports, books, newspapers and periodicals for analysis and deep scientific description, then, it reached to important results that the intervention of these countries refer to the interests and objectives with clear difference in its executions through mechanisms to reach reasonable political reconciliation, then, to what extent that can affect on the conflicting parties.
The study recommends that, following compromising policy can support the political and peaceful solutions with taking in consideration the common interests for all parties.

This topic examines the South African government's decision to relocate Taiwan's embassy from its capital, Pretoria, and analyzes this decision within the context of the growing strategic relationship between South Africa and the People's Republic of China. This topic is significant because it serves as a vivid example of how China's rise and global influence impact other countries' foreign policy choices, particularly regarding the Taiwan issue and the "One China" principle. This study aims to understand South Africa's primary motivations, focusing on the pivotal role of economic, political, and strategic relations with China. It also seeks to analyze the nature of these relations and assess their impact on South Africa's foreign policy and its position on Taiwan. Furthermore, it examines the reactions of the international stakeholders to the decision (Taiwan, China, the United States, and other international powers), as well as the geopolitical, regional, and international implications and ramifications of this decision

The concept of religion among peoples varies according to the culture of the peoples and their proximity to the centers of civilization, especially those centers whom their peoples embrace a heavenly religion. People may suffer from injustice and persecution under paganism, which separates people and divides them into two classes, the first of which is influential and have control over the necks of those belonging to the second poor and weak class. The idea of religion among the inhabitants of the Arabian Peninsula before Islam may be an example for that, where the leaders of the people understood religion as the domination of the rich of Quraysh and other tribes over the slaves and the poor, and harnessing them to serve the masters of Quraysh by controlling their souls, their money ,if they had any, and even their thoughts. Despite the difference in the understanding of religion among these peoples, there are points of agreement between religious beliefs that stem from individual understanding of religion and then form a common understanding for whole the society. This previously mentioned understanding will be the point of focus of this research. We will attempt to clarify it by reviewing the concept of religion and worship among African tribes.

Professor Dr. Sadiq Al-Sudani was born in Baghdad in 1946. He completed his primary studies there and obtained his Master's degree in 1973. In the early 1980s, he moved to Britain and received his PhD from the University of Exeter, where he studied under prominent Iraqi and British historians. His interest in African history began during his doctoral studies, focusing on the nationalist movement in Kenya and the Mau Mau movement. He later translated his dissertation into a book with the same title. After his PhD, he taught the subject of "African Liberation Movements." As part of his encyclopedic project on the history of nations, he published five books covering the history of South Africa, Nigeria, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Ethiopia, and Tanzania.

The book “History of the Comoros” is a critical scholarly edition of a rare manuscript written by Judge Omar bin Abi Bakr Al-Shirazi in 1866 CE. It stands as one of the earliest indigenous historical documents chronicling the Comoros Islands just prior to French colonization. The editor, Dr. Ahmed Abd al-Baqi Husni, presents the manuscript with meticulous annotation and commentary, alongside an introductory study that elucidates its historical, linguistic, and political contexts.
The manuscript focuses on the political and military events in the Comoros Islands (Mayotte, Anjouan, Mohéli, and Grande Comore) during the 19th century, particularly the conflicts among local sultans and the interference of external powers such as the French and the British. It also records the Arab, Persian, and Shirazi migrations to the islands and their role in spreading Islam and establishing political entities, making it an indispensable document for understanding the social and political history of the Comoros during the colonial transition.

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The Sahel region of Africa is undergoing complex and accelerating geopolitical transformations, reflecting the intersection of multiple international interests and deep-rooted local conflicts. This research focuses on examining the role of international interventions, whether through military operations or political and economic support, in an attempt to achieve security and political stability in the region. Conversely, the research addresses the rising threat of armed groups exploiting state fragility and weak institutions to expand their influence, further complicating the security and political landscape.
The research also reviews the impact of these transformations on regional and international security and analyzes the strategies of active states, such as France, the United States, Russia, and the Gulf states, in managing conflicts in the Sahel. The research concludes that a sustainable solution requires a comprehensive approach that combines developmental and political support and regional dialogue, in addition to strengthening the capacities of Sahel countries to effectively address security challenges.