Regional Studies Journal

The research aims to shed light on the tracks of the Saudi-Iranian agreement that took place on March 10, 2023, in Beijing with Chinese mediation and auspices, and the repercussions of this agreement on the Middle East region in terms of political, economic, and security aspects. The importance of the research lies in clarifying how this agreement falls within the global security initiative put forward by China in 2020, and that this agreement is the first practical experience of Chinese involvement in solving the problems of the region, foremost of which are the Saudi-Iranian differences, which led to the outbreak of wars and crises in the region, as happened in Yemen, Syria, Lebanon, and Iraq. The research consists of an introduction and eight axes as well as a conclusion and inferences. The research came out with several inferences, the most important of which is that based on the logic of "we cannot get rid of them, and they cannot get rid of us" is what Saudi Arabia currently relies on in adopting a strategy of organized coexistence in the Gulf and on a combination of competition and containment in Syria and Iraq, and the agreement with Iran is one of the most significant pillars of this new strategy.

The research aims to present a new idea based on the separation of stability into two parts (positive and negative). After identifying the elements of positive stability in general, each country has links to this stability, so identifying the links of positive stability for Arab countries is extremely important, to preserve and strengthen them with other links and avoid their disintegration. The research is divided into four axes, addressing the political reality of Arab countries, the most important links of stability for Arab countries in general, and the links of stability for three countries, namely Iraq, Saudi Arabia, and Egypt: Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, as well as the disintegration of these ties. One of the most important findings of the research is that the Arab countries rely on positive stability ties below the required level, in addition to their fragility in the face of difficulties that arise, so attention should be paid to this matter from Arab political decision-makers, to avoid chaos and to enhance the gains and development that benefit Arab citizens with a decent life.

The research studies the Turkish role in the Horn of Africa in light of the international and regional competition witnessed in this vital region, and the Turkish motives behind the orientation towards East Africa, especially after 2002 and the assumption of the Justice and Development Party to power in Turkey. The research focused on the dimensions of Turkey's policy in the Horn of Africa and its most prominent tools to compete with the powers present on the African scene. The research aims to identify Turkey's motives and policy towards international competition in the Horn of Africa and the implications of this competition on the Turkish role regionally and internationally. The significance of the research comes from the importance of the Horn of Africa and the role that Turkey plays in it, especially since this region is a key point and station in the global transnational trade routes. The first section dealt with the geographical location and geostrategic importance of the Horn of Africa. The second section involved the most prominent countries active in the Horn of Africa, while the third section included the motives of the Turkish approach to the Horn of Africa. The fourth section was devoted to the dimensions of the Turkish presence in the Horn of Africa. The most significant conclusions drawn by the research are that Turkey has become a strong presence in this region through its various tools, and the need to create an Arab coalition that takes upon itself to face this presence near its strategic areas.

The research sought to present the effects resulting from the Western-Atlantic incursion into the traditional strongholds of Russian influence on the western borders of the Russian country in light of the Western exclusivity that controlled international affairs following the absence of Russian hegemony with its communist appearance when it fought against capitalism, which ultimately triumphed. The importance of the research came from the need to investigate whether there was a wasted opportunity on the part of the victors to try to integrate Russia into the European security structure, or is it a natural condition that characterized the collective security treaties in their continuous effort to search for a renewed state of hostility after the fading hostility? The research concluded in some of its conclusions that it is not necessary for great global powers to succeed in a geographical environment in which the radicalism of warring races and ethnicities is intensified if these warring parties agree on a state of deep-rooted hostility to everything foreign.

The research aims to shed light on the personality of Ahmet Davutoglu،who is one of the prominent political figures in Turkey. He held many high political positions،including Foreign Minister and Prime Minister، and his role in establishing the Justice and Development Party (AKP) and his presidency of this party،which represents the moderate Islamic wing in Turkey، which is keen not to oppose secularism and the principles on which the Turkish Republic was founded. He adopted a foreign policy based on empowering Turkey with soft and hard power tools at the same time،raising the slogan of the New Turkey about developing the country's potential internally and externally, and supporting Turkey's accession to the European Union. He adopted a policy of zero issues with all regional and international neighbors، which he explained in his book Strategic Depth،Turkey's position and role in the global arena through his explanation of the power equation،fixed and changing with the factors of strategic mentality، strategic planning، political will and the relationship with the West،Arab countries،Israel،Iran and the Balkan countries. The study concluded that Ahmet Davutoğlu has proven his leadership and organizational qualities، which made him understand the political life in Turkey and know how to deal with internal and external issues as an academic who studied in many universities inside and outside Turkey and formed three governments and headed the Justice and Development Party (AKP) and then the Future Party (Gelegk Parti)، but his policy (zero problems) was not fully achieved as a result of changes on the international and regional arenas.

The foreign policy of any country is the main area to measure the effectiveness of the state and its influence at the regional and international levels. The geographical location and historical role give an important advantage in understanding the form and nature of the foreign policy it adopts, in addition to that, the foreign policy of countries is based on the form of the ruling regime and the nature of its political orientations. As for Egypt, by its geographical location and historical role, it was and still is one of the main actors in the Middle East, especially among the Arab countries; as the Arab region witnessed in 2011 a change in many Arab political regimes as a result of the revolutions in several Arab countries, as these changes imposed a new form of foreign policy for the state and drew new frameworks commensurate with the new variables, through which it can maintain its role as an important factor in the region. The research was divided into four main investigations and a conclusion that included the most significant conclusions.

The research aims to clarify one of the problems that the Iraqi political system suffers from, which is the process of the influence of the political side on the professional work of institutions. The official institutions, in terms of institutionalization, represent a division of the functions of the authorities, but from a realistic standpoint, the role of political parties and forces in managing the institutions is highlighted, and this is what is called Personalizing power in favor of those ruling forces. Every party or political force reconsiders the structure of the institution and the administrative organization whenever it comes to power, and the institutions become a reflection of the vision of the parties and forces controlling those institutions, which was reflected in the decline in the level of service performance for society and affected the general policies of the state. The research included three sections: the first dealt with the theoretical framework of the concepts, the second dealt with political sectarianism and its role in forming official institutions in Iraq, and the third dealt with the Iraqi political system between the requirements for effectiveness and sectarian political interventions. The research concluded that this overlap will lead to instability of institutions, which is reflected in weak government performance. This leaves us faced with a defect in achieving effectiveness and achievement and a failure to achieve legitimacy and good governance.

This study aims to delineate the most circuitous and twisted maneuver in the digital strategy of hate speech, namely, information laundering and its articulation in a disguised manner enveloped with objectivity and neutrality. The significance of this study lies in the escalating volume of social interactions within digital environments compared to the physical world, as digital environments are less bound by ethical and legal standards, thus becoming a fertile ground for individuals and groups propagating discourse dominated by hate and aggression. The study is structured into three main sections; the first section elaborates on the concept of hate speech, while the second section delves into the discussion of hate speech in the digital age. The third section elucidates the nature of information laundering, its convoluted role in disseminating contemporary hate speech, and the mechanisms it employs in doing so. The key conclusion drawn from the study is that digital hate speech has been actively modifying its offensive strategy to circumvent public aversion towards its direct methods, instead opting to disseminate false, truncated, or distorted information under the guise of misleading information cloaked in the garb of scientific and formal objectivity.

The idea of research is summarized in the study of exaggeration as a form of abuse in the use of the administrative right, which is achieved through an objective standard of blatant disproportion between the disciplinary penalties approved on the employee and the disciplinary error committed by him, and that exaggeration is achieved in two cases and is excessive severity or negligence (softness and indulgence), and the importance of the study lies through drawing the boundaries of the authority of the administration in the use of its right and ensure that it is not arbitrary. The research included the study of exaggeration through two sections, the first included everything related to the concept of exaggeration in terms of its meaning, content, standards, cases, proof, and statement of its legal nature. The other included manifestations and applications of exaggeration in Iraq, Egypt, and France. The research concluded that the administration must be committed not to exaggeration, Otherwise, it will be held liable to cancel the penalty, reducing or tightening it to achieve the public interest.

Administrative licensing is a means of administrative control, which is an administrative decision issued by the competent public authority and its aim is to restrict the freedoms of individuals in order to achieve public order within society and this method has a wide application in the field of selling and marketing medicines, and the wisdom of imposing the license is to enable the public administration to intervene in advance in the private individual activity, to take the necessary precautions and protect society from the dangers that result from the unsafe practice of activity by individuals for misunderstanding or negligence and negligence, The Department uses the license with the aim of preventive intervention in the practice of the activity of selling and marketing medicines because of their great risks to the health of the individual consumer, by imposing the appropriate technical, personal and objective conditions and requirements for granting the license.

The research aims to identify the hypothesis of the environmental Kuznets curve, to clarify the relationship between economic development and air pollution, its path and reversal point in the United States of America, India, and China with special reference to Iraq during 31 years for each country in the research sample. The descriptive-analytical approach supported by statistical data, figures, graphs, and mathematical equations was used to prove the research hypothesis. The large amount of carbon dioxide emissions by some countries is due to the large industrial activity that has exacerbated the threat of environmental damage through: (global warming, changes in the biological system, and finally climate change). This leads us to ask the following question: Have these countries really started the process of combating air pollution, or have they put their interest in achieving economic growth over environmental damage? The researchers came to several conclusions, the most important of which are: The United States of America has already entered the stage of reducing air pollution after a certain level of average real income ($32,532.6), while Iraq has achieved a similar shape to the Kuznets curve at an inversion point of real income average ($5773), while India and China have achieved a clear increase in economic growth at the expense of an increase in air pollution.