Regional Studies Journal

The research deals with the issue of Turkish-Chinese relations during the period 2002-2020 in the economic and military fields and aims to shed light on these relations in the above areas during the era of the Justice and Development Party government, which since 2010 has tried to adopt a policy of openness to Asian countries, especially China and India, to diversify its strategic options expanding its economic interests, consolidating its influence as a powerful and influential country in the Middle East, reactivating its role as a bridge linking Asia and Europe, and reviving the new Silk Road. The importance of the research is to link between two key actors in international politics, namely China, the economic rival to the United States, and Turkey, an important and influential country in the Middle East. The research included three sections, the first one is the historical roots of relations between Turkey and China until 2002, the second section is the development of economic and trade relations, and the third section is the development of military and security relations with a conclusion that includes a summary of the most important conclusions (results).

The Syrian crisis, which came after the outbreak of the revolution against the regime of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad in 2011, represented a test of Iran's political and strategic orientations in the Arab region. The importance of the research comes from the fact that it monitors Iran's interaction with the Syrian crisis and the extent of Syria's significance to Iran. The research's key objectives are to identify the orientations of Iran's foreign policy towards Syria and to know its leading aims and mechanisms. The research was divided into four main sections and a conclusion that included the most remarkable conclusions reached by the researcher. The first section covered decision-making institutions in Iran. The second one discussed the motives for Iranian interference in Syria. The third section reviewed the means of Iranian interference in the Syrian crisis. The fourth section involved the economic and social dimensions of Iranian politics. The research concluded that, as a result of the close connection and political interests that unite the two regimes in both countries, the events have proven the range of support provided by Iran to the Syrian regime and the extent to which Iran seeks to enhance its influence and preserve its interests in Syria.

The research aims to reveal more information about Iraq's oil and Iraq's future role in the global oil market through its membership in OPEC, and the development of this relationship in light of the OPEC agreement. The importance of the research comes from the recent data related to Iraq's oil, and the strong correlation between the role of oil in the Iraqi economic and political scene before and after 2003. The research consists of four sections, a conclusion, results, and recommendations. The most significant conclusions suggest transferring oil revenues to a larger and more diversified economic activity for Iraq. It calls for activating the key sectors, diversifying the economy, and increasing its refining capacity. As well as "creating an appropriate legislative environment for the economic institutions after approving the Federal Oil and Gas Law, and considering seriously finding alternatives to the current oil export pipelines, especially that passing through the Turkish territory to the Mediterranean. Moreover, reviving the Iraqi oil export pipeline going through Saudi Arabia to the Red Sea, besides completing the Basra-Aqaba pipeline through Jordan.

The research aims to investigate the negative effects caused by the American-Russian competition in the eastern Mediterranean region on the societal pattern, including making the unity and sovereignty of the Arab countries in the mentioned region vulnerable to the danger threatening their existence. The importance of the research stems from the fact that it addresses the causes of division and fragmentation inherent in the region in question and should be a priority for the politicians and leaders ruling the countries of the region if they wish to preserve their countries from being lost. The research included four sections that dealt with the American exclusivity in the region and then the return of Russian influence and the competition it caused between the two powers and its repercussions on the future of the Arab security system after a presentation of the aftermath of the conflict in Syria on Arab national security. The key conclusions indicated that the American-Russian competition in the region is at the expense of Arab national security and does not mean its development into a military clash between them and that the presence of the American and Russian forces resulted from the fragmentation of the countries of the region after their rulers risked them while their population components distanced themselves from their responsibilities towards their homelands.

Since its independence in 1956 and up to now, Sudan has witnessed ups and downs between the control of the military establishment and civil forces seeking to stay in power. Throughout Sudan’s independence period, which extends to sixty-six years, the dominance of the military regimes in power continued for fifty-five years. This is to confirm that the growing role of the army with the help of civilian forces constitutes the chronic disease of Sudanese politics. Controversy also continued over the civilian relationship with the military in the post-victory phase of the 2019 revolution. The research sheds light on the limits of the role that the military institution must adhere to and what it considers about its mission and the limits of its responsibilities, amid the lack of agreement between the civil forces in building the state after Omar Al-Bashir’s rule. In light of the foregoing, the possible future scenarios of the political situation in Sudan will be linked to the level of political performance of the political elites and the Sudanese military institution. The research is divided into four subsections. The first and second ones covered the military-civilian relations and the dialectic of the relationship between them in relation to Sudan. The third subsection tackled the protest movements after 2018, and the fourth subsection discussed the second coup and the challenges of establishing a democratic system.

The successive Iraqi governments after 2003 have failed to manage diversity and achieve the values of citizenship, despite Iraq's adoption of a pluralistic democratic system. The research aims to clarify major obstacles that prevented the realization of the values of correct citizenship, based mainly on justice, equality, and community participation in the management of the Iraqi state. The importance of the research stems from shedding light on the process of realizing the values of citizenship in Iraq after the year 2003 as one of the turning points that need to be considered and studied deeply. The research was divided into two axes, the first axis tackling the political, constitutional, and security obstacles facing citizenship, while the second one studied the economic, social, and cultural obstacles. One of the most important conclusions reached by the research is that the successive governments to rule Iraq after the political change in Iraq, did not succeed in finding effective solutions to get out of the challenges facing building the values of citizenship after 2003 that negatively affected the building of these values, which already suffer from obvious flaws in practice and implementation, and this together constitutes severe crises that threatened the continuation of the political system and then created a crack in the process of building the state and Iraqi citizenship to the present time.

The aspect of racial and ethnic pluralism played a role in the diversity of the centers of conflict and bilateral and complex social and political crises (Arab and African nationalism, farmers and shepherds), and the more the horizon of political change was blocked, the more violent political movements produced and pushed the marginalized areas that complain about the lack of balanced development to armed conflict. Therefore, Sudan needs intensive internal, regional, and international efforts to achieve comprehensive peace to solve economic and social problems and achieve development and political and security stability. The study aims to carry out the tasks of intellectual treatment of the future of the peace process in Sudan. The importance of the study comes from the significance of peace as a value in the Sudanese society that has been exhausted by conflicts and political strife, therefore, peace can bring about the possibility of achieving consensus among the components of Sudanese society. The most remarkable conclusion that the research came out with is that there is paramount importance for fulfilling peace in the Sudanese society from a political point of view represented in the application of law and justice and making political and security stability, and from the economic aspect for its connection with the process of sustainable development and realizing economic stability. Also, achieving peace requires addressing all the challenges and problems that prevent the effective implementation of peace agreements.

The women's quota system is a proportion set for women determined by national constitutions to participate in elections based on women's political rights stipulated in international covenants. For the first time, it was adopted by the 2005 Iraqi constitution and the successive electoral laws that set it at no less than 25% to enable women to reach parliament. The research aims to define the women's quota system and the legal impact on women's actual participation in the Iraqi parliament. The women's quota system is vital to achieve actual equality with men who have long dominated the political process in the state. In a conclusion to the just mentioned, their effectiveness in political decision-making is still limited, so we recommend expanding the participation of women by the political authority and parties by adjusting the participation rate to more than 25%. On this basis, the research was divided into two sections. The first topic included the concept of women's quota in international conventions and its legal basis. The second topic involved the effect of the women's quota on enabling women to participate effectively in the Iraqi parliament.

The research aims to study the disciplinary system under the UAE law by studying the legal texts regulating the authority of the administration in imposing disciplinary penalties and that these texts include sufficient and real mechanisms that enable the employee to defend himself and deny the accusation and the actions attributed to him. The importance of the research lies in the fact that disciplinary guarantees constitute how the disciplinary authority is disciplined and defined by restrictions and conditions that take into account the employee’s right to defend himself and protect the principle of legality from any abuses that may be committed by the competent authority in administrative discipline. The research was divided into three sections. The first section is devoted to studying the disciplinary guarantees in the investigation stage. The second one discussed the disciplinary guarantees in the stage of imposing a penalty. The third section researched the guarantees after the decision to impose a disciplinary penalty. The study of the disciplinary system in the UAE law indicates the basic guarantees for the employee that guarantee him the right to defend himself against the accusation and that these guarantees include the stage of the investigation, imposing the penalty, and the subsequent stage of imposing the penalty, except that this system needs to stipulate the reasons for appealing the administrative decision and that an independent administrative judiciary considers appeals to impose disciplinary sanctions on a public employee.