URUK FOR HUMANITIES

Mace’s national liberation movement against the British colonization of Iraq in 1941 was considered an important “pivotal event” in the contemporary history of Iraq. The deterioration of the situation, along with Britain’s determination to land its forces in Basra in preparation for the occupation of Iraq, led to the outbreak of a revolutionary uprising in April 1941 that did not aim to eliminate loyal politicians For Britain, but also for undermining British influence in Iraq.Rachid Aali was chosen by army officers to form the National Defense Government, after which the regent Abdul Ilah was removed and Sharif was chosen as the guardian of the throne as an educator. And the escalation of the British colonial interventions in 1941 in the affairs of the nation in Iraq, the weaving of conspiracies and planning against the army, the state and the people, and the occupation of the Habbaniyah base, had an order that “prompted the jurists of the Islamic Ummah in Najaf to issue their collective or individual fatwas (agreed upon) to the people. They order him to wage jihad against colonial invaders
In an evaluation pause of the national liberation and political independence movements that the Shiite elites fought on the political and cohesion levels, we note that just as the political events and the coalescence with the British occupiers and their aides culminated in the twenties of the twentieth century, the glorious revolution of the twentieth century. The thirties of the same century also witnessed hot and escalating events, which ultimately led to the rise of the Arab Mays movement in 1941. Despite the failure of the two movements, in which the Shi’ites in the first had advanced and direct leadership roles, at the political and cohesion levels. The Shi’ites, with their religious authority and their scientific possession, also had an unusual pioneering role in the second movement, but in another pattern limited to absolute political and mobilization support For this movement, and the willingness to defend it from all groups and elites of the Shiites. In addition to the above, what is known as "the literature of the revolution" appeared in Najaf before other regions of Iraq, and this shows that Najaf was not only a religious center, but rather an important literary and cultural center that distinguished the production of its poets, its literature with abundance and originality, and they succeeded with great success in highlighting the nation's heroics. Arab Arabia and the justice of its sacrifice that it defends, which stoked the enthusiasm of the masses and inflamed their feelings. The poets of Najaf began turning the pages of history, dedicating themselves to the glories of the Arabs and exposing the British treachery of the Arabs and their crimes in Palestine and Iraq.

This research is a serious attempt to understand the nature of the external opposition to the nomination of Faisal bin Hussein as King of Iraq in light of British documents, as oppositions have emerged since the first days of Prince Faisal\\'s nomination at the Arab, regional and international levels.
Accordingly, our scientific hypothesis that establishes the study of this topic is based on the assumption that these oppositions had a strong influence in shaping the features of the founding king\\'s policy, and to explain the nature of the external opposition to Faisal requires answering the following questions:
To what extent did Abdulaziz bin Saud succeed in convincing Britain to abandon Faisal?
How do we explain its negative position on the appointment of Prince Faisal as King of Iraq?
Do the Emirates of Asir, Shammar and the Kingdom of Yemen have influence on Iraq?
How did Britain deal with the Arab opposition?
Why were the Turks hostile to the appointment of Faisal?
What were Mustafa Kemal\\'s most prominent plans to obstruct the appointment of Faisal?
How did Britain convince France to agree to its reservations about Faisal?
Was the shrine of Sheikh Abdul Qadir al-Jilani in Baghdad a reason for the Indian Muslims to oppose the appointment of Faisal as king of Iraq? Answering these questions and others is the focus of our study, which adopted the historical method by employing documents to write this research.

The contemporary history of Iraq is full of political conflicts and change movements, and there is no doubt that one of those movements is the popular uprising in 1991, which was not an emergency event as a result of accidental circumstances emerging from a moment in Iraq. Iraq in 1968, and the uprising came to enhance the value and status of the dispossessed Iraqi person who turned into a commodity in the hands of the henchmen of the Baathist regime, and his ideas filled with hatred, resentment and hostility to every national voice and conscience who believed in the values of freedom, justice, equality and dignity as a way to live and live .
As a result of the importance of that uprising in the contemporary history of Iraq, the study was divided into several axes. The first axis sheds light on the reasons for the outbreak of the uprising, including the Iraqi invasion of the State of Kuwait, the Iraqi-Saudi military friction during the second Gulf War and the military defeat of the Iraqi army that sparked the popular uprising on March 16, 1991 The second axis focused on the position of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia on the rise of the uprising as well as its agreement to open camps for Iraqi refugees such as (Artawiyah and Rafha) camp, after American pressure, and the third axis was devoted to the conditions of Iraqi refugees in the Saudi camps, their preparation, and the treatment of the authorities in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia for them.

The study came to explain the position of the scholars of Najaf regarding the Personal Status Law No. (188) of 1959 AD which violates some of its articles of the Islamic constitution. The roots of the law go back to the thirties of the monarchy in Iraq, but it was frozen due to the opposition of the religious authority in Najaf led by Mr. Mohsen al-Hakim to draft his idea, and with the transition of Iraq to the republican era, the idea of reviving it was revived again with the influence of the communists on Iraqi President Abdul Karim Qasim and its official issuance on December 19, 1959. On the other hand, the scholars of Najaf and its scientific bodies sent telegrams rejecting the responsible authorities, through which they clarified the depth of the scholarly opposition to this law and its fight against Islam Asking the authority to amend the law and then abolish it altogether, because the existence of such a law gives the judge the authority of the religious jurist and blocks the door of ijtihad in Sharia rulings. This study also came after tracing most of the studies that dealt with the Iraqi Personal Status Law of 1959 AD in terms of jurisprudence and Islamic law as well as the legal aspect of the articles of law and comparing them with international lawsWithout real historical attention to the role of the scholars of the religious establishment in Najaf in confronting and rejecting this law, the Personal Status Law has remained since 1959 AD until the death of Mr. Mohsen al-Hakim in 1970 AD, despite its amendments in some articles on women's rights, but it remained a subject of controversy and discussion, so the religious reference Don't settle for less than cancellation. Accordingly, this study revealed the historical and scholarly role in confronting everyone who opposes or opposes Islam

The study aims to clarify the pictures of the distribution and change in the distribution of the population of Iraq for the period (1997-2017), as the study revealed that the measures of the change in the distribution of the population are important measures that are able to draw pictures of that change in the distribution with accurate and real numerical accuracy, and the study concluded that the values of the absolute change of the population of Iraq differ At the level of the governorates and at the level of broad and five age groups, at the level of the governorates, the largest value of absolute change during the study period was (2492883) people, and it was the share of Baghdad governorate, while the Governorate of Muthanna got the smallest value for absolute change of (356518) people, and when talking about age groups The petition, as the age group (15-64) years got the largest value of absolute change during the study period amounted to (8521216) people, while at the level of the five-year age groups, the largest value of absolute change reached (2214611) people for the age group (0-4) years, while The smallest value of the absolute change in the age groups of the population of Iraq was (68262) people and it was in the age group (79 - 75) years, The number of the population and their change during a known period of time play a major role in the process of the state’s economic development and strength, especially in the age group (15-64) years, as it is the group that supports the population and to which it assigns the tasks of fighting and defending the state’s entity, and the percentage change of this category has reached (56,46 %) Of the total change of the Iraqi population during the study period, and this is an indication of the youthfulness of the Iraqi population in 2017, and if the increase continues in the same percentage mentioned, the population of Iraq will soon reach the threshold of the demographic gift.

The research discusses the opinions and ideas that took place between Britain and the Iraqi personalities about who would ascend the throne of Iraq, whether he was from Iraq or from outside, and those discussions that ranged between support and lack thereof were suitable for presenting free ideas smoothly, and they undoubtedly represented the views and views of those persons, where Their political perceptions aimed at building the political future of Iraq, and the nature of intellectual consciousness in Iraq at the time.
After the British occupiers were able to extend their full influence over Iraq, especially after the withdrawal of the Ottoman forces from it, the political arena in Iraq became empty, as the political vacuum that Iraq witnessed due to the loss of the Ottoman Empire in the First World War and its withdrawal from Iraq had serious repercussions on those The areas that split from the Ottoman Empire, so some of the political and social parties began to restless and move to take their role in drawing the history of Iraq and showing the nature of its relationship with Britain according to its outlook and political orientation, as more than one approach and more than one path emerged on the scene regarding who would assume the throne of Iraq.

The religious authority in Iraq played political, military and media roles, and exerted a strict influence to revive an ancient state that ruled the world and disappeared under a series of abhorrent foreign occupations, extending from the fall of Baghdad at the hands of the Mongols in 1258 until August 21, 1921. The authority, in its bitter struggle against Britain, did not limit itself to demanding the independence of Iraq, but rather imposed its will by trying to establish a political system according to its proposals. This research aims to trace the messages of the scholars of the religious authority and its students during the great liberation revolution in Iraq, the Revolution of Twentieth, and its great impact on intellectual and political life. At the same time, it represented a historical, political and social turning point for the Iraqi people, and the beginning of the establishment of contemporary Iraq and its political system.

In the night the Americans' occupied Iraq on the night of April 9, 2003, and the accompanying demolition of the statue of the tyrant Saddam Hussein in Al-Firdaws Square in central Baghdad, the collapse of state institutions and the absence of the rule of law, which called national leaders, especially Shiites, to seek to establish the supplication of the new Iraqi state, and this case It needs a clear political vision on which the state will be based. Sistani's office in Najaf issued a statement on April 15, 2003 about the situation in Iraq, urging believers who are able to take the initiative to protect people's lives and property.
When Mr. Muhammad Baqir al-Hakim returned to Iraq after twenty-three years spent in exile, on 5/10/2003, he was the first to call for the acceleration of the establishment of an independent Iraqi national system of government, as Mr. Al-Hakim worked to confront two basic projects in Iraq, the first: a project. Preserving the political and legal existence of the former Iraqi state, its political system, and its ruling elite, and the second project: the American occupation project and its political, cultural, social and economic tools, in return Al-Hakim proposed two alternative projects, the first: the project to build the Iraqi state, its political system and constitution, and the second project: the project of resisting the American occupation in all Means, except that he did not recommend armed resistance at that stage.
After that, Sistani took important steps to ensure the success of the political project that he proposed, including The mass mobilization and popular movement, and the participation of the United Nations in the political process, while the Shiite leaderships had a role in laying the foundations of sound democracy, which could be the cornerstone of a political project that represents the agreement of the Shiite majority, and the Shiite jurists asserted: (That the religious duty obliges them to participate in the vote), The first parliamentary electoral practice in the contemporary history of Iraq exploded, and after the end of the electoral practice, the formation of a government representing a national coalition.

The subject of the study includes keeping pace with the development of Iraqi society from 1921 to 1958 and the changes in the social structure and the research section into three axes:
The first axis, 1921-1957, dealt with the mandate government's acquisition of additional land and agricultural sectors by legislating laws in their favour.
After Iraq gained formal independence in 1932, successive Iraqi Governments pursued this policy, which deprived the Iraqi farmer of many human rights
The second axis, 1932-1958, dealt with changing social relations in the Iraqi countryside based on exploitation and injustice. Steps have already begun to revive the Iraqi economy, focusing on industrial projects after 1958.. Government, military, various civil functions, merchants, landowners, workers, craftsmen and gain. Iraqi cities have witnessed gradual growth, such as the construction of roads, streets, bridges, public buildings, parks, electric lighting, water liquefaction and residential and commercial buildings, and the development of surrounding suburbs has begun .The third axis, 1939-1958, health conditions in iraq

One of the subjects worthy of attention is the study of the economic history of Iraq .Iraq has known since ancient times as an agricultural country that resulted in the emergence of commercial crops that resulted in the emergence of a local industry and then developed into international industries such as cotton ginning , wool pressing , dates and others , and mechanical devices began to be used before the outbreak of the First World War in 1914 . However , what hindered the development of agriculture and industry was the fact that Iraq fell under the British mandate after 1918 . The endeavors of the British forces to support the encouragement of the cultivation of cash crops and opening of Iraqi markets to foreign goods and products .Which hindered the development of industrial sector , and despite economic decisions , the government worked to issue them during the research period .As the research deal with the features of agricultural and industrial life in Iraq from 1921 to 1939 and came in two researches , the first focused on research in the agricultural sector and how the date palm was ranked first , followed by grains , especially wheat , barley and rice .The most importance problems facing agriculture are the problem of land ownership , the peasant's ignorance of correct agricultural methods , and the government's attempts to solve the problems through settlement laws and others .The second topic deal with the industrial sector and how the government encouraged industrial projects , but its laws had little impact due to the lack of energy sources and the domination of foreign products on the markets

The construction of the political system is one of the important issues in geopolitics and geopolitics, being the main pillar of the state’s entity and determining its internal and external orientations, in addition to the fact that the process of that system and the spatial space in which it is organized falls within the geo-political space that analyzes the phenomenon spatially and reveals what it is in spatially, by showing the extent of That construction is consistent with the identity of the state and its political, religious and social orientations, provided that the birth of that regime stems from the depth of society and its identity is not imposed on it, as happened with Iraq in the past 100 years for the period (1921-2021), when international actors were imposed (Britain, the United States) The American), respectively, the form of the political system in the state and in a way that serves the aspirations of these two actors.

bdul Mohsen Al-Qassab is considered one of the flags of literature, journalism and politics in the city of Nasiriyah. Those literary contributions were poetry, story and politics, his most prominent intellectual productions. Al-Qassab is distinguished by his passion in Islamic history, and he has given him a wide space in his journalistic writings published in Al-Irfan magazine.
He practiced party work in his youth, and he witnessed influential political events in the contemporary history of Iraq, and he had certain attitudes towards the events that accompanied his life, such as the events of the 1935 uprising in the city of Souk Al-Shuyoukh and the Al-Kilani coup in 1941, which is considered the most influential events in his life. He was fiercely hostile to Kilani, Nazism and fascism, and deeply loved and loyal to the Hashemite royal family and its supporters among the well-known politicians at the time, including Nuri al-Saeed, and he had extensive relations with the politician of Nasiriyah, most notably Salj Jabr, Abdul-Mahdi al-Muntafaki and Muhammad Hasan Haider, and even on the Arab side he wrote about Arab nationalism and was interested in the issues of the homeland Al-Arabi, specifically the Palestinian cause, ended his life with literary and intellectual productions that qualified him to be a writer, journalist, politician, and one of the flags of Iraq in general and the city of Nasiriyah in particular

The salon or the Council is a place where guests are received in traditional Arab homes, in which a group of people gathers once a week to discuss several important issues, and there are many Iraqi personalities who have owned political salons that they regularly attend, whether they are inside or outside the authority, and the meetings that were These salons are held in secret. As for the position of the ruling authority on some salons, it was negative because it considers them to be shovels to demolish its main goal to reach power. These meetings had an effective and influential role during the monarchy(1921-1958),through the goals they achieved, whether they were political, economic or social goals. They also provided opinions, recommendations and solutions to various issues.

The city of Najaf has been known since time immemorial for its intellectual and cultural history and in various aspects, and during the period of the monarchy, some social and cultural societies appeared in the city of Najaf that had a major role in the city of Najaf, and among these associations is the Cultural Liberation Association, which was unveiled in 1945, to become The most prominent associations at the time, and this research came to shed light on them, and it was divided into seven axes, the first of which included a historical overview of the establishment of associations in the city of Najaf until 1945, while the second axis focused on the establishment of the Cultural Liberation Society in 1945, while the third axis came to shed light on The administrative structure of the association, while the fourth axis was devoted to its activity in the social aspect, while the fifth axis focused on its activity in the cultural aspect, and the sixth axis included the visits of the most prominent officials and personalities of the association. The sixth axis came to highlight the society’s position on some Iraqi issues
The research relied on some magazines that were published in the city of Najaf, which included valuable and rare information about the association’s work and activities

The Ottoman policy led to catastrophic remnants in the areas that it occupied for centuries, as it left behind worn-out societies. And the Shiites, and it appears at first glance that the Sunni clerics were more sophisticated and politically knowledgeable than their Shiite counterparts, as they desired to preserve their previous privileges that had been granted to them by the Ottoman state, as they were preoccupied with great fear of the possibility of Shiites taking over the ruling authority and their pillars away from it, so they played to get close to The new British authority while encouraging the Shiites to rebel against it? And they succeeded in acquiring power and excluding others from it throughout the duration of the modern Iraqi state. Shiite clerics dealt with power as a case subject to the doctrinal structure, and thus kept away from power as long as it did not conform to their ideological giving. As for the clans, their loyalty was fluctuating between the Ottoman Empire and its successors. British control, the social engines during the first half of the twentieth century were divided between two important segments that we termed (the institution), namely (the religious and tribal institution), as each of them has its own system, customs, traditions and followers. An Iraqi event is not without their presence or their interference in it.