Iraqi Journal Of Political Science

The research aims to shed light on a set of international issues and transformations in the post-Cold War geopolitical sphere that have influenced the content and dimensions of international conflict. These include, for example, the transformations that occurred in the Soviet Union, the shift in the balance of power and the structure of the regime, the diversity in the content of power, issues related to terrorism and its fight against it, the decline of national sovereignty, human rights issues, as well as the problems of environmental pollution, drugs, and transnational diseases. The decline in the status of military power in managing international relations, the rise of soft and smart power on the international agenda, and the expansion of democratic transformation globally.

This study seeks to explore the future of Egypt’s foreign policy toward Iraq by examining the challenges that hinder its development, alongside the potential opportunities to enhance its effectiveness. The analysis is grounded in internal and external determinants as well as regional and international variables that influence the formulation of Egypt’s policy orientation toward Iraq. The findings suggest that there is a tangible possibility to advance Egypt’s approach toward Iraq and to strengthen bilateral cooperation, provided that both countries can capitalize on available opportunities, channel them in a constructive direction, and overcome the obstacles impeding the progress of political, security, and economic pathways between them.

This research analyzes the complex relationship between two key variables: \"international interdependence,\" a central phenomenon in the contemporary international system, and \"national security\" as it pertains to the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states. In a fluid and rapidly changing regional and international environment, the GCC states find themselves facing a complex equation: balancing the necessity of engaging in interdependent networks to achieve development and prosperity with the requirements of safeguarding their national security and strategic independence.
The research aims to analyze the dimensions of international interdependence within the Gulf context and examine its dual impact on the national security of the GCC states. This is achieved by deconstructing its dimensions and assessing its repercussions on the independence of decision-making and the formulation of strategic responses by these states. The goal is to maximize potential gains and minimize the risks arising from excessive dependence by addressing the central research question: To what extent does international interdependence, with its economic, political, and security dimensions, affect the national security of the GCC states? The research employs a descriptive-analytical approach and a case study methodology.

This research aims to examine the nature of public policies and sustainable development within the Algerian political system by analyzing the historical and political stages the country has undergone since independence up to the recent reform phase, The study shows that the Algerian political system has served as the reference framework guiding public policy orientations, characterized by a complex interaction between revolutionary and constitutional legitimacy, between single-party rule and political pluralism, while maintaining the pivotal role of the military institution, It also addresses the evolution of the three branches of government and the role of each in the policymaking process, highlighting how the executive branch, represented by the President of the Republic, has retained broad powers dominating other institutions.On the developmental side, the research reveals that Algeria has adopted a series of public policies combining security, economic, and social dimensions to achieve national development—ranging from the Civil Concord and National Reconciliation policies to successive Economic Recovery Programs, five-year development plans, and the New Economic Growth Model (2016–2030), the findings underscore that the effectiveness of public policies in Algeria remains dependent on their degree of integration and alignment with the requirements of sustainable development, amid a pressing need for deeper institutional reforms to ensure the effective participation of various actors in the formulation of development decisions.

The Muslim Brotherhood is one of the political Islamist groups that has long historical roots in the Arab Gulf countries and has been able to gain popularity among important segments of Gulf society.
Especially among the youth, religious men and intellectuals through their policy of spreading the values and ideas of the group through their penetration of educational institutions in these countries, despite the state of harmony between the group and the Gulf governments in the seventies and eighties. However, this relationship began to deteriorate in the 1990s, reaching a state of hostility during the so-called Arab Spring. Some Gulf countries considered the group a threat to their existence, and subsequently banned the group and supported counter-revolutions in several Gulf countries, which negatively impacted the group's activity in the Gulf.

This study examines the regional repercussions of the "Al-Aqsa Flood" operation, which marked a critical turning point in the trajectory of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. The operation exposed profound divisions within Arab and Islamic states' positions and directly impacted regional alliances and power balances in the Middle East. Reactions varied from open support for the resistance to calls for de-escalation or maintaining vague stances, particularly among normalization-partner states with Israel. The operation undermined the momentum of normalization agreements and reaffirmed the centrality of the Palestinian cause in Arab and Islamic consciousness. The study highlights how the operation reshaped alliances, affected regional security and economic stability, and raised concerns about the expansion of conflict zones. It concludes that the "Al-Aqsa Flood" was not a transient event, but a strategic shock that is redefining the regional order.

The topic discussed American movements and interactions in Syria, whether political, economic, security or military. Before that, the American position and perception of Syria was determined, as it falls within the circle of its global interests, due to its location, which represents a central point and node in the entire Middle East region, which extends over the global continents of strategic weight - such as Asia and Africa - in the matter of control, domination and global influence. Therefore, various American governments have worked since 2011 to ensure that Syria does not represent a threat to American interests. Its armed forces were present in the border triangle (Iraq-Jordan-Syria), and formed an alliance with local forces, perhaps the most prominent of which is the (Syrian Democratic Forces). At the same time, the Bashar al-Assad regime was weakened by isolating it internationally and then toppling it with the help of economic sanctions, which represent an effective American tool even under the new Syrian political regime. It can be said that the effectiveness of American policy in Syria will increase in the future, which is encouraged by the modernity of its new regime and its need for aid of various kinds (political, security, military and economic). Its orientation is against the countries resisting American influence, in addition to Syria's location on global energy and trade routes.

This research aims to clarify the concept of transitional justice as a comprehensive framework of legal, social, and political mechanisms applied in societies emerging from conflict or authoritarian rule. Its purpose is to provide redress for victims and to establish the foundations of civil peace and the rule of law. The study focuses on the main mechanisms of transitional justice—accountability, truth-seeking, reparations, institutional reform, and reconciliation—emphasizing their interdependence in achieving comprehensive justice. It also refers briefly to the Iraqi experience, where the need for transitional justice arose following periods of political violence and social unrest, making these mechanisms essential for rebuilding trust between the state and society. The research concludes that transitional justice is a key step in building a modern state and preventing the recurrence of violations, and that its success depends on genuine political will and independent legal institutions capable of turning the principles of justice into tangible reality.

This research examines and analyzes the impact of regional and international variables on shaping India's foreign policy direction toward the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states. This is within the context of geopolitical transformations in West Asia, where the GCC states emerge as a key area for the intersection of strategic interests between regional and international powers. At the regional level, the study focuses on three main variables: Iran, Israel, and Pakistan, as influential players in India's security and political calculations. Iran is considered an important partner for India in the field of energy and trade routes toward Central Asia, but at the same time, it represents a strategic challenge to Indian policy with the GCC states. Israel has become an important source of defense technology and security cooperation for India since the 1990s. Pakistan represents the most sensitive and influential variable in Indian policy, both in terms of the ideological and security dimensions and in the context of competition for influence in the Arabian Gulf region, given the historical and religious ties between it and the GCC states. At the international level, the research addressed key variables represented by (the United States of America, China, and Russia). The United States is considered a traditional partner of India and seeks to support the Indian role in balancing Chinese influence in the Indian and Pacific Oceans region. China, on the other hand, poses a strategic challenge to India, as their interests intersect in the Gulf in the areas of energy, investment, and infrastructure, within a quiet competition for economic and political influence. Meanwhile, Russia has emerged as a growing international variable, especially after the Russian-Ukrainian war. Shifts in the international order have prompted India to expand its partnership with Moscow in the areas of energy, defense, and nuclear technology, while maintaining a delicate balance in its relations with both the West and the Gulf states.

This research examines the role of Iraqi civil society in democratic consolidation during the period 2003-2024, employing Larry Diamond's theoretical framework. The study identifies a fundamental paradox: while civil society organisations have proliferated quantitatively, their substantive impact on democratic trajectories remains markedly limited. The research employs a critical descriptive-analytical methodology grounded in academic literature, international reports, and official data sources. The analysis encompasses an assessment of both traditional civil society actors (tribal structures, religious authorities) and contemporary formations (non-governmental organisations, youth movements, labour unions). The findings reveal that Iraqi civil society confronts critical structural impediments: sectarian and ethnic fragmentation that obstructs inter-organisational cooperation; weak financial and organisational autonomy; an inhospitable legal and security environment; and constrained institutional capacities. The study concludes that revitalising civil society's democratic role necessitates concurrent reforms at two levels: strengthening the rule of law and security stability at the state level, and transcending sectarian divisions through national partnerships at the civil society level. These complementary interventions are essential for cultivating a robust civil society capable of advancing genuine democratic consolidation

Modern technology has brought about significant developments in the military field, impacting combat environments and leading to changes—both present and future—in combat doctrines and the nature of warfare. Among these advancements are unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs), whose importance has grown as they have proven to be effective, multi-mission weapons in tactical, offensive, and operational contexts. Most countries have sought to acquire, develop, and deploy them in warfare due to their ability to deliver precise, targeted strikes. Some UAVs are equipped with advanced combat specifications and artificial intelligence, enabling them to independently perform military tasks such as analysis and execution without human intervention. In addition, they offer reduced human and material costs, save time, and operate with high speed. The Russia–Ukraine war represents a hybrid form of warfare in which both conventional and non-conventional weapons have been used. Among the non-conventional weapons, UAVs have been widely employed and have played a key role in balancing the military equation in Ukraine’s favor, despite Russia’s superiority in conventional weaponry. In response, Russia also integrated UAVs into its combat operations against Ukraine. Both sides have since inflicted significant and precise strikes on strategic targets in the ongoing war of attrition.

The U.S. military presence in Iraq after 2003 represents a pivotal shift in the country’s and region’s security and political landscape. Although the intervention was justified under the pretext of spreading democracy and toppling a dictatorial regime, its outcomes produced a complex reality marked by instability, growing sectarian conflicts, weakened state institutions, and increased foreign influence. Despite the official withdrawal of U.S. forces in 2011, the rise of ISIS in 2014 brought the United States back to the Iraqi arena as part of the international coalition, albeit in a different form. This renewed presence sparked internal and regional controversy, especially amid escalating tensions between Washington and Tehran, which peaked in 2020. Although the U.S. combat missions officially ended in 2021, Iraq continued through 2025 to be a battleground for geopolitical struggles among international and regional powers, making the American presence a central factor in the region’s security dilemma rather than a source of stability.

Corruption is not a new phenomenon that has occurred in modern societies. Rather, ancient societies have suffered greatly from it. It is not only a local phenomenon, but rather an international phenomenon. It is found in most countries of the world, both developing and developed, but its severity varies from one society to another, and in order to prevent or reduce cases of corruption. In a country, there must be official and unofficial institutions in order to prevent corruption, and one of the most important government institutions in Iraq to fight corruption is the Financial Supervision Bureau. Iraqi integrity.

Our research aims to examine the methodology of writing biographies of Tunisian nationalist political leaders during the colonial occupation (1881-1956), which requires a cross-referencing of various sources of contemporary history (French and Tunisian archives, French and Tunisian press, memoirs of Tunisian and French political actors, and their printed and recorded testimonies .He also explains the reasons for the unspoken and the facts that remained ignored or hidden in the restitution of the biography of the leader Salah Ben Youssef, recalling all the components of the early rivalry between the two leaders Habib Bourguiba and Salah Ben Youssef since the convening of the National Council of Neo-Destour (March 13-14, 1938) through the period of national resistance (1952-1954) and following the course of the difficult and long Franco-Tunisian negotiations (1954-1956).

Media recruiters in US politics are increasingly digitally oriented, facing the challenges of global competition from other workforces. However, the field faces rising credibility challenges, requiring them to confidently communicate in a complex global media landscape.

The electoral process is one of the fundamental pillars of establishing the principles of good governance, as it enables citizens to actively participate in selecting their representatives and decision-makers, while ensuring the peaceful transfer of power. Furthermore, the electoral process is not merely a recurring procedure; it is a vital mechanism for legitimizing political systems and enhancing accountability and transparency. The tools of the electoral process have evolved with the introduction of modern means, such as digital technology, data management systems, and electronic monitoring, which has positively impacted the integrity of the vote and public confidence in its results.
In the Iraqi case, after 2003, elections emerged as a pivotal means of building democratic state institutions, despite security and political challenges. Successive electoral experiences have contributed to enhancing the political awareness of Iraqi society, opened the door to new forces, and pushed for the adoption of technical systems to ensure the integrity of the process, such as biometric cards and electronic counting devices. These measures represented an important step towards strengthening the principles of good governance by reducing manipulation and ensuring broader participation. Conversely, the Iraqi experience confirms that the success of the electoral process in establishing good governance does not depend solely on laws or technical systems, but also depends on the political environment, the degree of independence of the commission, and the culture of society. Accordingly, modern methods are a helpful factor, but they require a nurturing environment that ensures their activation in a manner that serves the principles of participation, accountability, and transparency.

The goal of peacebuilding and peaceful coexistence in diverse societies, such as Iraq, is to address the root causes of conflicts by building state institutions based on competence rather than power-sharing, promoting national reconciliation, and ensuring justice and equality. Achieving this requires wise policies and governance focused on strengthening a unifying national identity, promoting economic and social development, and encouraging dialogue among various community components at all levels. The foundations of peacebuilding and peaceful coexistence involve building state institutions based on competence and integrity, rebuilding government agencies (such as the police, judiciary, and education) to be fair and capable of meeting citizens' needs without discrimination. Promoting national reconciliation and inclusive dialogue: encouraging dialogue among different components at all levels, focusing on common interests, and building trust in the political process to reinforce a unifying national identity, emphasizing loyalty to the nation first while respecting sub-identities, and forming a national identity that unites Iraqis and works towards comprehensive economic and social development. Creating job opportunities and reducing poverty to ensure economic stability, which is considered a foundation for social peace.
Also, activating the role of religious and cultural values, encouraging religious institutions to promote values of tolerance and compassion, and enhancing cultural diversity as a positive force that enriches society, to ensure justice and equality by implementing comprehensive policies that promote equality among all citizens and guarantee fundamental rights and freedoms for everyone. This involves setting implementation strategies in Iraq through comprehensive policies. The government must adopt comprehensive policies to strengthen solidarity and political participation of all stakeholders and move away from sectarian quotas. Sectarian and political quota systems in the building of state institutions and education must be ended.

This study aims to analyze the role of governmental and non-governmental institutions in promoting intellectual security and combating extremism in Iraq amid the intellectual and social challenges that have intensified since 2003. The research problem arises from questioning the effectiveness of these institutions in fostering moderate thought and confronting ideological deviations, and whether their efforts are characterized by coordination and integration or by fragmentation and weak collaboration. The study seeks to clarify the institutional mechanisms operating in this field and to analyze the overlap between governmental policies and civil society programs, ultimately identifying ways to enhance joint performance.
The significance of this study lies in its focus on a critical issue that directly affects Iraq’s national security, highlighting the need for an active partnership between the state and civil society in building intellectual awareness. The research is based on the hypothesis that strengthening cooperation between official and non-governmental institutions increases the efficiency of intellectual prevention programs and reduces the likelihood of extremist ideologies spreading. The study concludes that the lack of institutional coordination remains one of the main challenges facing efforts to counter extremism and that developing a unified national strategy for intellectual security—with effective participation from both state institutions and civil society organizations—represents a crucial step toward consolidating intellectual and social stability in Iraq.

The Cyber Security Copeman is a important factor to maintain the status of the United States of America as an international force in the evaluation of information and communication. The threat is the limit of the traditional military attacks. The world is not limited to the digital space that affects direct economy on the economy, the vital infrastructure, community security, the United States of America faces a bad and challenging levels of electronic threats to the regulations of their website and the mainstream of the electronic threats to their regulations and their participation in the survival of the mainland and its political statistics. The United States of America. The United States of America The face of the United States of America and the United Nations, the mainland of the United States of America's national and national and economic cooperation. The United States of America has to be able to develop the cybersome and the defense of the defense and the attacks. The cross-by-cybersome is not just a technical issue. The "Cyber security is no longer a technical issue and the strategy of the State of the United States and the mainstream of the State and the intervention of the State and the intervention of the State and the conservation of the external and economic intervention

After 2006, Iraq witnessed political, security, and social transformations that directly impacted state institutions, including the scientific research sector and research centers. Successive governments sought to rebuild the scientific infrastructure damaged by decades of war and sanctions, adopting policies and programs aimed at supporting research centers and linking them to national development projects..
These policies ranged from legislative attempts to regulate the work of centers, to varying financial allocations, to international cooperation programs, as well as initiatives to encourage researchers to publish scientific research and participate in conferences. However, these efforts faced significant challenges, most notably: weak political and security stability, limited funding, administrative bureaucracy, and a drain on talent.
Despite these challenges, some government policies contributed to the establishment of new research centers and the development of graduate programs, as well as strengthening partnerships with foreign universities and international organizations. However, the absence of a comprehensive and sustainable national strategy has made development unbalanced and often dependent on individual initiatives or external support.
Accordingly, it can be said that government policies after 2006 played an important but insufficient role in developing research centers in Iraq, which today calls for the formulation of a clear national vision based on sustainable financial support, institutional independence, and a closer link between scientific research and the requirements of economic and social development.

The democratic system is no longer a recent phenomenon, even after 20 years since the constitution was written, as the Iraqi constitution established the principles of democracy and the political system based upon them. However, its implementation was not as envisioned, due to the social nature, ethnic and national diversity, and the political transformation of 2003. The application of the democratic system had a negative impact on society, widening the social gap and increasing the number of sub-identities and non-national affiliations, both internally at the tribal level and externally at the regional level. Through elections, democratic representation and freedom of expression were not achieved in the manner intended by the democratic system, and the partisan, nationalist, and sectarian character began to expand within Iraqi society. However, the numerous practices of the democratic process, whether through elections or broader political participation, have contributed to the acceptance of the idea of the peaceful transfer of power and the understanding of the true concept of democracy at the social and political levels.

After decades of civil war between North and South Sudan, the Comprehensive Peace Agreement was signed in Naivasha (2005), which paved the way for a popular referendum in South Sudan in 2011, leading to the declaration of independence of the new state. However, the birth of the state of South Sudan was not the end of the crises, but rather the beginning of a series of political, economic, social and security challenges that directly affected its foreign relations.

This paper provides an analytical investigation of the role of artificial intelligence (AI) in enhancing good governance illustrating the concepts of AI and governance, maintaining their basic characteristics and fundamental principles, and exploring the connection between AI and governance. The research probes into practical AI apps enhancing governance, like data analysis, predictive modeling, and decision-making processes. Positive case studies from numerous countries are presented, showing how AI adoption has bolstered transparency and accountability in government services. The study also tackles numerous obstacles pumping into applying AI in governance, like legal and technical obstacles, and proposes practical solutions to ensure the effective integration of AI in fostering good governance.

This research addresses the future of the political role of the U.S. Supreme Court and its impact on the American political system by examining its influence on public policy formulation, the balance of powers, and the evolution of its constitutional and legal position. The Court’s role is not limited to resolving legal disputes but extends to direct political influence through reviewing laws and ensuring their conformity with the U.S. Constitution. The study aims, through an analysis of the institutions and nature of the U.S. political system and exploration of cases where the Court played a decisive political role, to provide a forward-looking perspective on the boundaries of this role and the potential for its expansion or restriction amid political changes. The research adopts the historical method to understand the origins of the Supreme Court and analyze its political role from its inception to the present. It also uses the descriptive method to examine and interpret judicial decisions that have shaped its political influence. The study concludes that the Supreme Court has become a key player in American political life due to its broad authority in constitutional review, its influence on public policy, and its role in institutional balance. The findings also indicate that the future of this role depends on political and ideological shifts within American society, the degree of judicial independence in the face of legislative and executive pressures, and changes in the Court's composition, which make it a dynamic element in the U.S. political landscape.

This study dealt with an important topic, which is (criticism of democracy in Western liberal, elitist political thought). Leo Strauss was a model for this study, being the most prominent critic of democracy in this direction (right-wing elitist). The study was divided into three axes. In the first axis, we dealt with the criticism of democracy as a system of government for Leo Strauss, and shed light on his position on liberal democracy, especially Weimar liberalism, in which he saw a reason for the rise of dictatorship to power, and thus caused persecution and torture of Jews. As for the second axis, it was dedicated to studying Leo Strauss\' criticism of the mechanisms and foundations of democracy, and the third axis was devoted to studying elite democracy as a reformist alternative after Strauss\' criticism of liberal democracy, in addition to the presence of a conclusion with which the researcher came out with several conclusions, perhaps the most important of which is that democracy for Leo Strauss is elite democracy and not The democracy of the masses and should be limited to a small group, as Strauss theorized what he calls \"liberal education\" in order to prepare the elite \"gentlemen\" through the necessity of philosophizing by listening to the conversation between the great minds, and Strauss considers liberal education as an anti-poison to the corrupting effects that It is caused by mass culture over democracy.

The strategies of conflict management and peace building have received great attention from the international and regional decision –making circles, due to the attraction and incompatibility of interests towards them, when we notice the continuity of escalating interest in the process of conflict management and peacebuilding in the Middle East region by regional and international powers, and from that standpoint It was necessary to study the topic scientifically in order for us to know the nature of the active parties in this vital region and because of the impact on the strategies of conflict management and peace building, and in line with that the post -2011 stage witnessed important political, economic and security developments in the Middle East region, as it was formed by the outcome of the new turmoil Because of the breadth and speed of the variables in them; As for the strategies of conflict management and peace building, the interesting side has become present and strongly and these strategies have often turned an instrument in the hands of regional and international powers to achieve their interests, and from here it was necessary to study the strategies of conflict management and peace building with what this means from intersections and approaches that constitute the basic features of state policies at the level The region, and policies at the international level, both, either, the long –term interests of all parties, whether the international or regional level, was born in the stimulus of confirmary behavior in order to secure the vital interests of the various parties, and the remarkable disparity in the political structures of various countries did not deny their convergence on the common denominator represented by strategic interests The political behavior of the regional and international forces was based on interest in the strategies of conflict management and peace building after 2011, and counted it as a basic vocabulary of international political interaction and employing them according to its political goals, and this is not possible to realize in isolation from any basic role played by other parties.

The phenomenon of Islamophobia has intellectual foundations that have sustained it for a long period of time. Many seek the primary sources of this phenomenon, and their research has varied in identifying the intellectual foundations of Islamophobia. Most trace these foundations back to the beginning of Islam and its spread through the conquests carried out by MuslimsOthers trace the origins of Islamophobia back to the beginning of Christian-Muslim relations. Therefore, Investigating the intellectual foundations of Islamophobia is tantamount to studying its intellectual roots, especially since the intellectual and historical roots of Islamophobia extend across time. This research concludes that the intellectual foundations of Islamophobia lie in its Eurocentric tendencies.

Official institutions are a fundamental pillar in building the Iraqi state and society, as they represent the primary instrument for regulating relations between the government and citizens and achieving development and stability. Especially after 2003, Iraq witnessed major political and administrative transformations that reshaped its institutions, highlighting the need to understand the roles of each of the constitutional institutions in managing public affairs.Official institutions are those established by the constitution or laws, such as legislative, executive, and judicial institutions, independent bodies, and government departments. Their tasks include enacting laws, implementing public policies, and providing Independent bodies and government departments. Their tasks include enacting laws, implementing public policies, providing services to citizens, and ensuring the rule of law. They also contribute to achieving security, managing public resources, formulating public policies, and overseeing national development. However, they face challenges such as weak institutional coordination, widespread administrative corruption, and overlapping jurisdictions, which reduce their effectiveness in performing their constitutional tasks within their structural framework.