Journal of Historical studies

This research aims to uncover the philosophy of history of the historian Taqi al-Din al-Maqrizi (766–845 AH/1364–1441 CE) through his letters, which serve as a mirror to his historical, social, and economic thought. The study's significance lies in its attempt to reveal the philosophical dimension of al-Maqrizi's thought through the analysis of his letters. While his major works, such as "Al-Khitat wal-Suluk" (The Plans and Conduct) and "Risalat al-Bayan li'l-Maqrizi: Al-Masadir wal-Dawafi' wal-Maqasid" (The Epistle of Elucidation of al-Maqrizi: Sources, Motives, and Objectives) by Hassan al-Da'if, have often received attention, his letters remain a fertile ground for understanding his methodology in historical analysis and criticism. The problem this study faces lies in the absence of a comprehensive vision that clarifies the intellectual and philosophical foundations from which al-Maqrizi approached historical phenomena, particularly those related to the economic, social, and political crises of his era.
The research adopts a descriptive-analytical approach based on collecting historical material from the seven letters of al-Maqrizi under study. Because it represents the essence of his philosophy in understanding history, as it combines the economic, social and intellectual dimensions, unlike other letters of a descriptive or jurisprudential nature that do not serve the goal of philosophical research. Then, the study analyzed its contents and linked them to the general context of the Mamluk era, with partial comparison to the ideas of Ibn Khaldun (d. 808 AH/1406 AD). The study concluded that al-Maqrizi was not merely a transmitter of events, but was distinguished by an analytical vision that linked economic, social and political factors. He also provided early indications of economic concepts, such as inflation, monopoly and the quantity theory of money. Thus, he embodied the model of the thinking historian who contributed to the formulation of a philosophy of history based on the interaction between man, the environment and time.

The Lutheran movement did not appear suddenly, but rather its emergence was due to several factors, most notably the outbreak of the Italian Wars and the intervention of the Papacy in the political and military conflict between France and the Holy Roman Empire. This conflict negatively affected the situation in Germany, and the Pope and Emperor Maximilian I did not respond to the requests of the German princes to reform the deteriorating conditions in the German states. France took advantage of this and decided to support all movements against the Pope and the Emperor. This coincided with the arrival of Martin Luther to Germany and his knowledge of the corruption of the papal institution and its interference in the ongoing war, which prompted him to attack the Pope and the clergy, which was welcomed by France, which decided to support him and the princes who stood by his side in order to weaken its opponents, the Papacy and the Holy Roman Empire.

Among the blessings God has bestowed upon us is that He has created spouses for us so that we may find tranquility in them. He has clarified the nature of this relationship in many verses of the Quran. However, this sacred bond can be disrupted by disagreements that disturb the harmony between spouses. These disagreements, if not addressed with the appropriate and effective solutions found in Islamic law, can lead to problems such as marital discord (nushuz), specifically the discord of the wife. This phenomenon has become widespread in Muslim societies, as evidenced by the increasing rates of divorce and separation. Therefore, it became necessary to find solutions and remedies for this issue, which was the primary reason for my choice of this research topic0

The Uyghur minority has a significant status in history relating to political, economic and cultural aspects , and Turkistan was the motherland of peoples with Turkish Muslim descent. as a consequence of the expansionist policy used by Chinese alien affairs towards Southeast Asia, the country became a victim to the great powers and remained as an area of conflict between Russia and China. The commence was the Manchurian attack against the country followed by the communist invasion which seized it in 1949, because the region became within their vital field and therefore had an important impact on their national security, as well as its connection to modernization and development. Such circumstances stripped the people of their civilization, culture, history and rights to work, housing, education, health, marriage, immigration and birth control as well as prohibition of religious teachings and their legal rulings. Moreover, they were prevented of mosques, reading the Qur’an, killing or enslaving scholars, clerics and preachers. As a reaction, Uyghur made many attempts for independence which gives an impression that their ambition for freedom and independence was poorly achieved due to the Chinese policy that menaced Turkish demise from the existence. Ultimately, Uyghur was named Xinjiang as autonomous region belongs to the other Chinese regions.

The era of the two Imams, Ali al-Askari (peace be upon them), represented a pivotal stage in the history of the Imamate. Abbasid pressure reached its peak through a policy of strict surveillance and oppression, particularly in the city of Samarra, which was transformed into an open military camp and prison for them and their followers. Amid this unjust political situation, secret public letters emerged as a means of communication between the two Imams and their followers in various Islamic regions.
The two Imams adopted the method of secret letters and correspondence to manage Shiite affairs through a network of agents who conveyed religious and financial directives and instructions in complete secrecy, preserving the lives of followers from persecution. These letters combined security precautions with ideological depth. As for the public letters, they were formulated in a balanced, symbolic language that allowed the Imam to express his position without direct confrontation with the authorities. This enabled him to maintain his scholarly and social presence within the confines of the Abbasid court. Thus, correspondence during the era of the Askaris transformed into a multi-level communication system: secret to protect the Shiite entity, and public to preserve the Imam's scholarly and missionary role..
This correspondence—with its political, organizational, and ideological dimensions—represented the practical foundation for the era of occultation that followed the martyrdom of Imam al-Askari (peace be upon him). It paved the way for the idea of indirect leadership through agents and special representatives. In short, letters during the era of Abbasid oppression proved to be more than just a means of communication.

When US President Richard Nixon announced his visit to the People's Republic of China in February 1972, the Taiwanese government was surprised by this news and was upset because Nixon was the main ally and primary supporter of the Taiwanese government. He believed that any agreement reached by the US administration with the People's Republic of China regarding Taiwan might harm the latter's interests, perhaps represented by the US military presence on the island and the cessation of its recognition of the Taiwanese government. This prompted Nixon to send a letter to Taiwanese President Chiang Kai-shek containing assurances that no change would occur that would harm Taiwan's interests and security. This visit actually resulted in the issuance of the Shanghai Communique, which included decisions by the United States
regarding the fate of Taiwan, the most important of which was the recognition of Taiwan as part of China, meaning that there is only one China, the People's
Republic of China. This provoked strong reactions from the Taiwanese government, in addition to the US pledge to reduce its military forces from the island, which meant that the US administration was making decisions regarding the fate of Taiwan without consulting it or taking its opinion .

Generosity represented one of the most distinguished moral and social values among the pre-Islamic Arabs. It was closely tied to an individual’s reputation and social standing, becoming a measure of honor, nobility, and virtuous character. More than a personal trait, generosity constituted a deeply rooted social phenomenon that strengthened the bonds within the tribe and elevated hospitality to the level of a cultural ritual in daily life .
To manifest their readiness for hospitality, the generous devised several methods to attract guests. These included lighting fires on elevated places to guide travelers, keeping dogs for protection and to alert them to the presence of visitors, appointing a caller to invite passersby, and carefully selecting suitable locations that would provide comfort and reassurance to guests. Such practices illustrate that generosity was not merely a casual habit, but rather a central cultural value that shaped the very identity of the Arabs before Islam .

The reason for choosing to study the personality of Muhammad Zafarullah Khan from a political and legal perspective within the Ahmadiyya community is that he was one of the figures who played a prominent role in communicating with the British authorities, despite his young age, and in representing the community to which he belonged on several political issues that occupied public opinion in India. These included the issue of self-rule for India in 1917, during which he represented the Ahmadiyya community by leading the delegation and presenting his viewpoint. In 1919, he represented the Ahmadiyya community in the Islamic Khilafat Movement, and in 1921, he opposed the Non-Cooperation Movement by resigning from the position of the Prince of Wales. On the legal side, he played a prominent role in defending the Ahmadi community in the Indian courts. He handled a number of cases, foremost among them the case of Hakim Khalil Ahmad in 1916, who was prevented from performing prayers and leading the prayer in the mosque. In the case of polygamy in 1921, Narantakath Avallah against his wife, and in (1924-1927) he represented Muslims in the case of the book of Rangila Rasul. He also pleaded in the contempt of court case against the newspaper Muslim Outlook and also defended the ownership of the Faizuddin Mosque in Sialkot in 1927. He was able to be a unique model of a lawyer who combined law and Islamic law and contributed to preserving and protecting the religious identity of the Ahmadi community.

Ibn Hazm’s classification of the ranks of knowledge serves as a distinctive example that illustrates his directive vision for society through science. He differentiated between types of knowledge based on their moral and social benefits, prioritizing knowledge that refines the soul and society over others. His classification clearly reflects a strong desire to connect knowledge with action and reform. It also demonstrates his interest in both religious and rational sciences with practical impact. This classification reflects a comprehensive vision of knowledge as a means of ethical refinement, rather than mere accumulation of information. This study highlights that vision, analyzes its societal implications, and offers guiding messages for individuals and communities.

This study examines the principal factors that led to the loss of a significant portion of the intellectual heritage of al-Andalus from the Islamic conquest up to the fifth century AH / eleventh century CE. Despite the remarkable scientific and cultural flourishing that characterized al-Andalus and contributed substantially to the wider Islamic civilization, a considerable body of its scholarly production has not survived. The research adopts an analytical approach that highlights the interaction of three major dimensions that collectively shaped the circumstances of this loss.
The first dimension addresses the political factors, particularly the transformations that occurred following the weakening and fragmentation of central authority, which resulted in the instability of scholarly institutions and the decline of their capacity to preserve intellectual output. The second dimension focuses on religious and doctrinal causes, most notably the state’s adoption of the Mālikī school as its sole official doctrine. This stance generated exclusionary practices toward other intellectual and doctrinal currents, including the destruction of their works and the accusation of their proponents of heresy, as seen in the case of Ibn Masarra and his followers. This section underscores the impact of doctrinal rigidity in impoverishing the intellectual landscape and contributing to the loss of works that could have enriched philosophical and theological scholarship.
The third dimension examines natural causes that contributed to the disappearance of a substantial number of manuscripts, whether through natural disasters or through climatic conditions that damaged the organic materials on which these works were written.
The study concludes that the loss of Andalusi intellectual heritage was not the result of a single cause, but rather the outcome of a complex interaction among political, religious, and natural factors that collectively undermined the continuity and preservation of this legacy. The findings highlight the importance of re-examining the intellectual history of al-Andalus in light of these interwoven dynamics and emphasize the need for continued efforts to safeguard what remains of its scholarly heritage.

In the seventh century AD, the Arabian Peninsula witnessed major religious and social transformations with the advent of Islam, which altered the doctrinal structure and centers of influence in society. Reactions to the new call varied, and among the most prominent figures who rejected it was Abu Amir the monk, known for his pre-Islamic asceticism and religious standing in Yathrib. However, he adopted a hostile stance toward Islam and allied with the Romans against the emerging Islamic state. The importance of studying his doctrine lies in its revelation of the dimensions of the conflict between religion and politics and in understanding the intellectual transformations of that period. This research aims to analyze Abu Amir's doctrine and his position on Islam through historical sources, exploring their intellectual and political dimensions .

Israel's political system is classified as a parliamentary democracy, where political parties and movements form the core of public policy formulation, both domestically and internationally. In this context, the Shas party stands out as a prominent political phenomenon embodying the attempt to organize Sephardic Jews (of Eastern origin) along ethnic lines, despite the predominantly religious character of its discourse and organizational structure. In a short period, Shas has established itself as a significant and influential political force in Israeli decision-making, both through its consistent participation in coalition governments and its growing popular support. The party's importance lies in its adoption of a representative discourse that articulates the concerns of Sephardic Jews, who have long suffered marginalization within Israel's predominantly Ashkenazi (Central and Eastern European) political structure.

The value of history lies in recalling its lessons to serve the present. The subject of this research paper focuses on studying the Qur’anic treatment of insults against the Prophet Muhammad in the Meccan period. It does not only aim to shed light on the subject at that time, but it is important to recall the contents of the Qur’anic treatment and benefit from them in formulating a calm, rational, and scientific position on insults against the Prophet Muhammad in some Western institutions in the last two decades, using new influential means such as cartoons and films that they have begun broadcasting through print and digital newspapers on the Internet.

The Abbasid era (132-656 AH / 750-1258 CE) is considered one of the most transformative periods in the history of Iraq. The class of craftsmen and artisans was a vital and influential social stratum, yet it has remained largely overlooked despite its profound impact on shaping the reality and development of Iraqi society. The role of this class was not confined to the economic aspect as the backbone of daily life in major Iraqi cities; it extended to become a pivotal factor in changing the social structure and diversifying the social fabric. Craftsmen and artisans contributed to shaping the identity of urban society, creating channels for social progress, and redefining inter-class relationships.
Hence the significance of this research, which proceeds from the premise that craftsmen and artisans were not merely passive actors in the social landscape, but rather were active agents in the process of social transformation. The research aims to uncover the mechanisms through which this group influenced the reshaping of Iraq's social fabric during the Abbasid era by classifying its categories, assessing its impact on social mobility, and exploring the nature of its interaction with other social groups. It seeks to provide a comprehensive vision that reveals the profound social dimension of the role of crafts and industries, which were a fundamental pillar in building the edifice of civilization in Iraq during the Abbasid period.
Iraq witnessed significant industrial and artisanal prosperity during the Abbasid era, fueled by the diverse origins of its craftsmen and artisans, which enriched both culture and industry. The artisan class formed a pivotal economic and social force that contributed to transforming society from a tribal to an urban one and reduced social disparities.

This research deals with the concept of broad-mindedness as it appears in the Holy Quran through the verse {Have We not expanded your breast for you?}, highlighting its spiritual and psychological dimensions in the personality of the Prophet (peace be upon him and his family), following the meaning of the Surah and the place of revelation, in addition to analyzing the reason for revelation and the historical and interpretive data associated with it. We also researched the physical and moral manifestations of broadening the chest, and we took Imam Ali (peace be upon him) as a practical example of the manifestation of this broad-mindedness in the extension of the biography of the Prophet (peace be upon him and his family). Then we moved to the practical aspect represented by the examples of “broadening the chest” as it appeared in the biography of the Prophet and the biography of the Imams of the Household (peace be upon them).

We know the highest institution in Mesopotamia. It has made significant contributions to all political, social, and cultural spheres. Regarding its significant contributions to the social and educational spheres, it worked to organize society and provide it with all the necessities of life, as it was primarily responsible for the people of Mesopotamia. It worked to advance society, contributing to its health and livelihood. For citizens and in establishing public projects such as irrigation projects important for agriculture, and he also took care of the country’s fortifications. He also played a prominent role in resolving disputes between members of society, as he represented a supreme judicial body and had a number of judges and advisors, most of whom were priests. The temple also had a major role in science and knowledge, as it played a pioneering role in education, especially since it was the first school in the ancient Near East, and it was the first to invent the art of writing, as the writer came to occupy the highest positions in the state due to the importance of the profession of the writer, and the priests were the first teachers and they were numerous. The curricula in the temple included various exercises in arithmetic, astronomy, medicine, engineering, writing, and others. The schools had an advanced administrative system beginning with the school director (omia) or expert, and the teaching staff.

The Holy Qur’an has been a source of intellectual inspiration throughout the ages. From this perspective, the concept of employing Qur’anic verses emerged as a means to serve the idea of a text or reinforce its meaning without compromising their original significance. Imam ʿAlī (peace be upon him) employed Qur’anic verses in his sermons, wisdom sayings, and counsels in various forms and patterns that reflect the harmony between his approach and the Qur’an. He did not merely use Qur’anic verses as quotations; rather, he employed them in specific ways that enhanced the objectives of the Qur’anic message and supported the intellectual context of his words. This form of usage serves as both citation and metaphor, adding spiritual and intellectual depth

Following the success of the communist revolution in China in 1949, the Chinese government sought to improve its image and present itself as a country with which the rest of the Third World could coexist. Iran, with its strategic location and vast oil reserves, was a crucial link in China's path toward building successful relations with the outside world. The 1960s witnessed dramatic shifts in the foreign policies of both China and Iran. As Sino-American relations began to improve, so too did Iranian-Soviet relations. The Shah perceived a decline in Iran's importance to the United States following the US-Soviet détente. He sought to exploit China's energy needs and increase its influence in the Middle East. However, the Shah, who had laid the foundations for Iranian-Chinese relations, fell from power in 1979. After a period of strained relations, both countries recognized the need to revive them due to the deterioration of Iranian-American relations. This allowed for the development of Iranian-Chinese relations in various fields, particularly during the Iran-Iraq War.

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Religious methods are one of the most important means of healing, as they are certain to be effective in treating diseases. They are one of the most available methods for all patients when medical treatments fail or are difficult to obtain. Here, people resort to religious methods after doctors are unable and do not know how to diagnose the medical condition and prescribe appropriate treatment, and because there is no benefit from taking them, and because they cause side effects for the sick person, sometimes leading to death. Among the reasons for resorting to these methods, known as alternative medicine, are the high fees of the doctor and the high prices of medicines. Therefore, access to these methods is more appropriate and better from the psychological and medical perspective, and the financial and moral status of the patients.

The research addresses the military postal service (Al-Barid) during the Abbasid era and its role in military supply and logistics. The Barid was a sophisticated governmental communication and transportation system, relied upon by the state to deliver news as swiftly as possible for administering a vast empire. It was primarily based on a network of relay stations that provided fresh horses, allowing couriers and officials to travel with exceptional speed. For urgent messages, the system widely used carrier pigeons due to their reliability in traversing immense distances. Furthermore, river transport served as a rapid means for conveying military news. This integrated system of postal mounts, couriers, carrier pigeons, and river transport contributed to effective administrative control and intelligence gathering making it a fundamental pillar of the Abbasid state's strength 

Nour al-Din al-Atassi is a prominent political figure in contemporary Syrian history, playing a significant role during a critical phase of the Syrian state's post-independence history. He was distinguished by his affiliation with the nationalist movement, which rejected any foreign presence in Syria or the Arab world. His political activity became prominent after the March 8, 1963 coup, when he held important government positions such as Minister of the Interior and Deputy Prime Minister between 1963 and 1965. He sought to reconcile nationalist principles with realistic political practices, combining unity aspirations with security orientations, especially in light of the internal challenges facing the regime at the time. During this period, he contributed to imposing internal security by declaring martial law and issuing exceptional decrees to confront unrest, making him one of the most prominent supporters of the stability of the ruling regime led by Amin al-Hafez. At the same time, he was an active participant in nationalist events, particularly at the Arab League conferences in 1965, where he expressed Syria's unwavering support for the Palestinian cause.
Al-Atassi assumed the presidency in 1966 following the overthrow of Amin al-Hafez. During his rule (1966–1970), he adopted a socialist approach, implementing agricultural reforms and nationalizing industrial sectors, bringing about major economic and social transformations in the country. However, these policies could not withstand regional challenges, especially after the June 1967 defeat, which led to the loss of the Golan Heights. This was compounded by the failure of Syrian intervention in Jordan in support of Palestinian factions, which led to deep internal crises and partisan and military tensions. This period ended with an internal coup that ousted al-Atassi, followed by his imprisonment for many years. The experience of Nur al-Din al-Atassi embodies a combination of nationalist ambition and a difficult confrontation with the complexities of political reality. He was a political intellectual who sought to reshape the state on a nationalist socialist basis, but his ambitions collided with the reality of internal conflicts and the balance of power. Despite the challenges and harsh endings, al-Atassi remains an influential figure in contemporary Syrian political history.

After the First World War ended and its fires were extinguished, the Peace Conference was held on the ruins of its remaining ashes, and Germany was required to agree to the Treaty of Versailles, which was harsh, even though Germany was burdened with a dire economic situation. As a result of the defeat, Germany became politically confused, which led to many revolutions, similar to those that occurred in Russia in 1917, where Emperor Wilhelm II appointed Prince Max of Germany as Chancellor. He was known for his support of free and democratic ideas. The intensity of the disturbances, rebellions, and revolutions increased, even among workers and the army, until it led soldiers to rebel and disobey the Emperor’s orders to suppress those revolutions, and consequently, he abdicated the throne and fled to Holland .
As a result of the country losing its political representative and its imperial system, Ebert took over its affairs with the desire to lead the country and establish a republican system, and to establish a republic known as the Weimar Republic, named after the German city that was its headquarters, and to announce elections and a constitution that he took upon himself to organize the country for the post-war period .
During its fourteen years of existence, the Weimar Republic faced many problems, such as hostile policies and sanctions imposed on Germany by the governments of the victorious nations in World War I, the emergence of extremist parties and movements such as the Nazi Party, and complex economic problems represented by high unemployment rates and very high inflation rates .
However, the Weimar Republic was able to overcome many of those problems and achieved important economic reforms through which it was able to control inflation, reduce unemployment rates and develop tax laws .
The Weimar Republic was distinguished by a modern constitution that Germany had never seen before in its history and was considered at the time to be one of the best constitutions in the world. The Weimar Republic represented a period of economic, political and partisan conflict in modern and contemporary German history, but because it paved the way for the later emergence of Nazism, most historians in Europe consider it a classic example of a failed democracy .

This research deals with the study of the phenomenon of epidemics and plagues in the Islamic Maghreb, focusing on its nature, causes of its spread and its effects on society and the state .historical and doctrinal sources have shown that the epidemic is a frequent phenomenon often associated with air corruption, climate change, the spread of famines and wars, which made it one of the greatest disasters facing Islamic societies. this epidemics had a prominent role in exacerbating economic, social and political crises, as it contributed to the devastation of urbanization, high mortality, collapse of markets, and weakening of political power.
The research aims to highlight the types of epidemics and plagues that swept the Islamic Maghreb, the natural, climatic, social and political factors that helped spread them, while clarifying their multiple effects on society and the state . The research also analyzes the relationship of epidemics with political history, especially in the era of the monotheistic state (541-668 Ah / 1146-1269 ad) and later, Highlighting the role of states in confronting epidemics and plagues by taking measures to limit the spread of epidemics and mitigate their effects, and as pandemics contributed to weakening the state and increasing the suffering of people.

This research examines the political role of the scribes in the Basra Diwan (government offices). Among them emerged influential figures who left their mark on the political scene. Some of these scribes played a fundamental role in the course of political events, contributing to political delegations and embassies, both domestically and internationally. Others contributed to official correspondence, reflecting the visions and aspirations of officials. The scribes of the Diwan of Correspondence in Basra were known for their mastery of literary arts, their skillful composition, their eloquent style, and their precise choice of words. In the realm of political counsel and advice, their opinions carried weight and they held a respected position with the governors on various issues, making them partners in political decision-making. However, this role was not without intrigues and conspiracies against the governors and caliphs, as some scribes were involved in political conflicts, exploiting their administrative influence within the stat.

The British royal family exposes to a crisis driven by personal motives and attempts to impose them by King Edward on the monarchy in 1936 plunged it into a conflict between the values and principles upheld by the British government and the Church on one hand, and the pursuit of personal desires and individualism regardless of the royal values and principles that symbolize the British nation and its political reference identity. This study supports the statement of the royal throne crisis in 1936 and considers it through three branches: the relationship of Prince Albert with his brother King Edward, Simpson’s influence on the royal throne crisis, and Prince Albert as King of Britain under the name George VI, followed by a conclusion.